WORKS ISSUED BY
Cfje ^afelupt ^octetp
ESMERALDO
DE SITU ORBIS
ISSUED FOR 1936
^ 5* C fepvA... A aif
COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
J I936
Sir William Foster, C.I.E., President.
The Rioht Hon. Stanley Baldwin, P.C., M.P., Vice-President.
Major-General Sir Percy Cox, G.C.M.G., G.C.I.E., K.C.S.I.,
Vice-President.
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Vice-President.
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E. W. Bovill, Esq.
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T. A. Joyce, Esq., O.B.E.
Prof. A. P. Newton, D.Lit.
N. M. Pbnzer, Esq.
S. T. Sheppard, Esq.
Brigadier-General Sir Percy Sykes, K.C.I.E., C.B., C.M.G.
Prof. E. G. R. Taylor, D.Sc.
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The President
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Trustees.
HAKLUYT SOCIETY
Series II. Vo). LXXIX
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SPECIMEN PAGE OP THE LISBON MS. OF THE LSMERALDO
ESMERALDO
DE SITU ORBIS
BY
DUARTE PACHECO PEREIRA
Translated and Edited
by
GEORGE H. T. KIMBLE, M.A„
Lttturer in Geography in tit University of Reading
iSsTt
qio-4
LONDON '
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY
1937
Central ARchaeoi orrr af
'«• . fe .
*“ * ^te-djfMCU S3*
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
<
CONTENTS
Preface ....... page ix
Introduction ...... xi
Select Bibliography . . . . . xxxiii
Prologue: The beginning of the Esmeraldo de Situ
Orbis ...... i
The First Book, with a description of the greater
circles and property of the earth . . 9
The Second Book, describing the discoveries of
King Afonso V of Portugal . . . 103
The Third Book, concerning the discoveries of King
John II of Portugal .... 139
The Fourth Book, containing the discoveries of
King Manuel of Portugal . . . 163
Appendices
I The Senegal-Niger-Nile controversy . '. 173
II “There are other snakes a quarter of a league
long” . 175
III The silent Barter . . . . . 176
IV Note on the Map to illustrate the Esmeraldo de
Situ Orbis ...... 179
Index ....... 185
ILLUSTRATIONS
Specimen Page of the Lisbon MS. of the Esmeraldo
FRONTISPIECE
PAGE
North-East Africa, from Ptolemy’s Geographia to face 16
(Rome, 1507)
Typical Illustration from the Roteiro of D. J0A0
de Castro, 1541 ..... 37
(British Museum, Cotton MS. Tib. D. ix)
The North Atlantic Coast on an Italian Chart
of c. 1508 ...... 65
(British Museum, Egerton MS. 2803)
The Middle Atlantic Coasts on an Italian Chart
of c. 1508 ...... 106
(British Museum, Egerton MS. 2803)
The Coasts of West and South Africa on an Italian
Chart of c. 1 508 ..... 143
(British Museum, Egerton MS. 2803)
Portuguese Ships from the Roteiro of D. J0X0 de
Castro, 1541 ...... 166
(British Museum, Cotton MS. Tib. D. ix)
Outline Maps of West Africa to illustrate the
Esmeraldo
at END
PREFACE
The Great Age of Discovery has had many historians; and not
without good reason, for it has provided an extraordinarily
fertile field for investigation. But it is unfortunate that so much
attention should have been focused upon the leading characters
of the period, and so little upon the lesser, as it has caused many
of the less spectacular achievements to suffer neglect. Even so,
it is surprising that the work of a man like Duarte Pacheco, who,
in his own day, was deemed — for a time at any rate — to be as
eminent as Vasco da Gama, should have lain practically un¬
noticed for nearly four hundred years; not until 1892, the
quater-centenary of Columbus’s epochal voyage, was the
Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis first published. With the development
of the modern concept of historical geography in the present
century, documents of this character have come to possess an
altogether new significance, so that an English translation of this
work — providing, as it does, the only detailed, contemporary
eyewitness’s description of the African coasts — is well overdue.
In preparing this translation I have been fortunate enough to
enjoy the co-operation of Mr Aubrey Bell, whose skill, both
linguistic and literary, has greatly lightened my task. Indeed
it is doubtful whether it would have been fulfilled without him.
To him, therefore, I tender my warmest gratitude. My cordial
thanks are also due to Professor E. Prestage for much invaluable
help in elucidating difficult passages; to my colleague Mr W. F.
Morris, for undertaking to construct a map of West Africa
X
PREFACE
from internal data, and for supplying an explanatory note; to
Sir William Foster, for many helpful suggestions and for reading
the proofs; and finally to Mr E. Lynam, for seeing the book
through the press and for unnumbered incidental kindnesses
shown at a time when he was troubled with ill-health.
GEORGE H. T. KIMBLE
READING
December 1936
INTRODUCTION
IT is nowadays widely accepted that the Portuguese were the
founders of nautical science. Before their time maritime
enterprise had been conducted largely by private individuals
or by small companies of adventurers; as few of these men
recorded their undertakings, kept logs or drew charts, their
experiences had little or no cumulative value and each generation
was as ignorant as its predecessor. So long as their seafaring
activities were confined to the Mediterranean and adjacent
waters, navigation “by God and by guess,” although attended
by grave risks, served them well enough. But when, in the early
years of the fifteenth century, men began to plan the maritime
exploration of the unknown Torrid Zone and the Southern
Hemisphere, it became clear that empiricism in nautical matters
could no longer be relied upon. The rise of nautical science in
Portugal was the logical outcome of the needs created by these
expeditions.
The history of this development has been so thoroughly
investigated in recent years by Dr Joaquim Bensaude1 and others
that anything more than a passing reference to the general
nautical methods and equipment of the Portuguese pioneers
would be out of place in this introduction, all the more so as the
narrative that follows answers many of the questions we might
be tempted to ask. For instance, Pacheco tells us how latitude
is calculated with the help of the astrolabe, quadrant and
Regimento1 ; how mariners find their way along strange coasts3 ;
how tides are calculated4; the sizes and kinds of vessels com¬
monly employed in African waters3. Even so, it is not possible
to measure the nautical accomplishments of the Portuguese by
the yardstick of the Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis: in fact so much of
the work carried but by them has perished that there is no means
* L’Astronomie nautique au Portugal d Vipoque (Us grander ddcouvertes, 1912.
There is a very useful summary of Portuguese nautical practice c. 1500 in
E. Prestage, Portuguese Pioneers, chap. 14.
* Book 1, chap. xo. 3 Book 11, chap, xo et passim.
4 Book II, chaps, x, 3. 5 Book iv, chap. 2.
INTRODUCTION
xii
of accurately determining the Portuguese contribution to nautical
science. In the first place, nothing of the work of Master Jacome
— the most famous Catalan cartographer of his day (whom
Prince Henry secured for his School of Sagres) — is extant.
Further, no fifteenth-century map of Portuguese provenance and
comparatively few of the early sixteenth century have survived.
The same dearth prevails as regards nautical documents ; a mere
handful of navigation manuals, instructions to pilots, logs and
rutters has come down to us from this early period, and again
none from the fifteenth century1. That there must have been
maps is apparent when we recall the allusions to them in Zurara :
e.g. “they [i.e. the 51 caravels sent out before 1446 by Prince
Henry] went 450 leagues beyond Cape Bojador and all that coast
was found to run southwards with many points which our Prince
caused to be added to the sailing chart3,” and the declaration of
Alfonso V that until Henry’s time “ no one knew anything of the
land beyond Cape Bojador, nor was it marked on sailing charts
and mappaemundi save as men pleased^.” That there were
rutters and textbooks of navigation in the same period is less
certain. Zurara does not mention them, nor do the other
chroniclers of that century. Fontoura da Costa surmises, how¬
ever, that Portuguese “ roteiros ” began to be compiled soon after
the doubling of Cape Bojador in 14344.
Whatever the explanation of their scarcity, there is no doubt
that the discovery of India at the end of the century gave a
tremendous impetus to the detailed description of the new sea
route, for manuals on navigation and sailing directions began to
appear in the first decade of the sixteenth century and were
published thereafter at frequent intervals. At first these were
the work of the Portuguese exclusively; later on, similar works
by English and Dutch writers were produced. From them have
sprung the excellent “Pilot” books of the present day.
* The so-called “roteiro ” of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage is only a rather
simple diary of the voyage and is very deficient in scientific observations.
* Chap. 78. Discovery and Conquest of Guinea (Hakluyt Society).
5 Alguns Documentor do Archivo Nacional. . .Acerca das Navegaf&es e
Conquistas Porluguezas, p. 8.
4 A Marinharia dos descobrimentos, vide C. R. Boxer, “Portuguese Roteiros,
1500-1700,” Manner’s Mirror, vol. xx, April 1934, p. 172.
INTRODUCTION
xiii
If we exclude some rather crude rutters of uncertain date by
G. Pires and J. Rodrigues1, then the earliest dated Portuguese
“roteiro” is the Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis.
THE AUTHOR OF THE ESMERALDO
Comparatively little is known of the early life of Duarte Pacheco
Pereira. The son of Jo2o Pacheco, a scion of a distinguished
Portuguese family, he is usually regarded as having been born
about the middle of the fifteenth century. This belief is based
upon the fact that the capture of Arzila in 1471, at which the
writer of the Esmeraldo says he was present2 — presumably as a
soldier — is the earliest recorded biographical detail.
Elsewhere in the same book Pacheco tells us that he was bom
in Lisbon5, that he was employed by King John II of Portugal
in African waters and that, in company with others of the King’s
captains, he discovered “many places and rivers along the coast
of Guinea4.” From another chapter5 it would appear, further¬
more, that Pacheco was associated with Diogo d’Azumbuja in
the founding of the castle of S. Jorze da Mina. By 1498 his
reputation as a navigator was so well established that King
Manuel I despatched him, secretly it would seem6, to discover
“the Western region7.” This resulted in the discovery of “a
very large landmass, with many large islands adjacent8.” Two
years later Pacheco went out again with Cabral, who had orders to
touch at the Brazilian coast (which Pacheco had apparently
sighted) before going on to India.
For the next chapter in his history we have a more detailed
record to draw upon. In 1503 King Manuel sent Pacheco out
to India with the Albuquerques. Shortly after his arrival there
he led an expedition against the fleet of Calicut with such success
that “the fame of the Portuguese arms was spread everywhere
and the merchants were afraid to bring their spices to Cochin*.”
1 Vide C. R. Boxer, op. cit. p. 173. * Book n, Prologue.
3 Book 1, chap. 23 ; book iv, chap. 4.
4 Book 1, Prologue. * Book n, chap. 5.
4 Vide E. Prestage, Portuguese Pioneers, p. 277.
7 Book 1, chap. 2. ' Ibid.
9 J. Osorio, The History of the Portuguese during the Reign of Emmanuel
(trans. by J. Gibbs), vol. 1, p. 167.
XIV
INTRODUCTION
Even greater success came in 1504 after the Albuquerques had
left India and Pacheco was in entire charge of the garrison, fleet,
and factory. In March of that year he launched an attack against
the Samuri; by his “assiduity and bravery. . .this formidable
war was brought to a conclusion in five months, during which
time the enemy is computed to have lost about 19,000 men
together with a considerable number of their ships1.” In the
following year he returned to Lisbon, where he was received
with great honour. “His expedition in carrying on war, his
magnanimity in the greatest dangers, his steadiness in enduring
hardships and his success in battle were extolled to the skies.
The King ordered a public thanksgiving on his account and
made a pompous procession with the court from the cathedral
to St Dominic’s church. He made Pacheco walk by his side that
all might see what respect he paid to bravery. After they came
to the church, Diogo Ortiz, Bishop of Vizeu, pronounced an
oration, wherein he copiously set forth the illustrious and
admirable exploits of Pacheco and piously concluded by ascribing
all to the glory of God. Nor was Emmanuel satisfied with doing
him this great honour ; he likewise wrote letters to almost all the
Christian princes, wherein he extolled Pacheco’s actions with
due applause, that his fame and renown might spread through
Christendom3.”
From this time onwards information concerning Pacheco
again becomes meagre. His strenuous life of the previous six or
seven years and the award of a pension of 20 milreis may help
to explain his apparent retirement (from public life) during the
next few years. At all events we do not meet him again until
1509. The intervening time was not all spent idly however, for
it was during this period of his life that the Esmeraldo was
partly, if not entirely, written*. In 1509 Pacheco temporarily
returned to a more active occupation, for in the January of that
year we find him conducting an expedition against the French
pirate Mondragon, whom he succeeded in capturing off Cape
Finisterre. In addition to this brilliant excursion back into
* J. Osorio, The History 0/ the Portuguese during the Reign of Emmanuel
(trsns. by J. Gibbs), vol. 1, p. 167.
* J. Osorio, op. eit. p. 220.
3 Vide infra, pp. xvi et seq.
INTRODUCTION
XV
maritime affairs Pacheco appears to have been captain of a
Portuguese fleet that guarded the Straits of Gibraltar c. 15111;
how long he continued to hold this position it is difficult to tell.
Suffice it to say that we do not hear of him playing any further
active part in the affairs of the State until the end of the decade.
In fact, between 1509 and 1519 there are only half a dozen
documents extant that bear on Pacheco’s life, and none of these
is very revealing; they simply record matters relating to the
renewal of his State pension and to his association with other
distinguished men*. In view of his almost unique geographical
and nautical knowledge it is difficult not to believe that he was
employed by King Manuel as an adviser on colonial policy, even
if by now he was too old to undertake further expeditions. But
these are merely hypotheses which, in the absence of any
evidence, are of little worth.
Pacheco’s last public charge, so far as our scanty knowledge
goes, was the governorship of the castle of S. Jorze da Mina.
This position he seems to have held from 1520 to 1522; in the
latter year he was recalled and succeeded by Afonso d’Albu-
querque, son of the Albuquerque of Indian fame. The circum¬
stances of his recall are described by Osorio thus : “ Pacheco being
greatly envied there, he was accused by his enemies of having
defrauded the King of a great quantity of gold and of having
been guilty of many scandalous and villainous practices. The
King therefore ordered him home in irons, where he lived in a
very miserable condition, in close confinement for a considerable
time, till the affair being more carefully enquired into, it appeared
that the crimes laid to his charge were either without foundation
or such as did not deserve such severe punishment. Then indeed
he was released from prison and restored to his dignity, but did
not meet with a reward suitable to his great merit, and spent the
remainder of his days in obscure poverty3.” His subsequent
movements are all unknown. We only know that he was still
* Vide Sousa Viterbo, Trabalfios nauticos dot Portugueses nos Seculot XVI
e XVII, vol. 1, pp. 238 et seq.
1 Vide R. E. de Azevedo Basto, Esmeraldo de Situ Orbit, ediflo commemo-
rativa, 1892, pp. xx et seq.
J J. Osorio, op. cit. pp. 220, 221.
XVI
INTRODUCTION
alive on February 5th, 1526s; and from a provision of King
John of June 22nd, 1534, in which he awards an annual pension
of 20 milreis to Jo5o Fernando Pacheco, Duarte Pacheco’s son,
we may not unreasonably assume that Duarte was no longer
living by that date. More precise we are scarcely able to be.
THE DATE OF THE ESMERALDO
The Esmcraldo receives practically no mention in contemporary
literature. It is therefore very fortunate that the evidence of
the work itself should leave us in little doubt as to its approximate
date. A rough terminus a quo is provided by the author’s
reference, in the Prologue, to the discoveries of Vasco da Gama
of 1497-1499, while an equally rough terminus ante quern is forth¬
coming in the last chapter of book iv, where Pacheco still
continues to refer to King Manuel (d. 1521) as “our Sovereign
Lord.” Now it is obvious that Pacheco was not twenty years
writing the Esmeraldo, even if we suppose for the moment that
he did actually complete his task and write five books instead
of three and a few chapters of a fourth1. When, therefore, was
he actively engaged upon it? While the evidence does not permit
of a final answer to this question, it does allow us to be slightly
more specific. In the first place, as Pacheco was abroad most
of the time from 1498 to 1505 it is very unlikely that he com¬
menced to write until his return from India. An examination
of the two passages of the text containing definite dating material
strengthens this view. The first of these occurs in chapter 14 of
book 1 and runs as follows : “ It is now about ninety years since
Cepta was captured by force of arms from the Moors by King
John I of glorious memory. . .the other three [towns Alcacer,
Tangier and Arzila] were taken by King Afonso V, your uncle,
47 years ago.” Ceuta was taken in July 1415 under the leadership
of Prince Henry the Navigator; adding 90 years we arrive at
1505 as the approximate time of writing. This date is confirmed
by the statement about Alcacer, which was captured in 1458.
Tangier and Arzila, on the other hand, were not taken until
* Vide Azevedo Basto, op. cit. pp. xxiii, xxiv.
’ Vide infra, pp. xxix, xxx.
INTRODUCTION
XVII
1471 ; on this reckoning the Esmeraldo must be allocated to the
end of the following decade, namely 1518. As Pacheco himself
tells us in the Prologue to book 11 that Alcacer was taken in 1458
and Arzila in 1471 it is not possible to say with assurance which
year the writer had in mind when he wrote “47 years ago.”
In a later passage Pacheco tells us that “in the year of Our
Lord 1506 your Highness ordered a castle to be built on the
mainland in this town of Moguador hard by the sea.. . .This
was constructed and commanded by Dieguo d’Azambuja. .
As this event is referred to in the past tense, the passage was
clearly written after 1506. From this passage onwards all the
dating material points to a date later than 1505, but not later
than 1508. Dr Jaime Cortesao, who has studied the question
very fully, is of the opinion that the first fifteen chapters, or
somewhat less than a quarter of the work, were written during
the last months of 1505, the remainder between 1507 and 1508*.
THE MEANING OF THE TITLE
The title of Pacheco’s work is puzzling. De Situ Orbis, of course,
needs no explanation; it was commonly incorporated into the
headings of treatises of cosmography from the time of Pom-
ponius Mela onwards. Esmeraldo , however, is an unusual word.
Several attempts have been made to explain it, but none of them
is completely satisfactory. Epiphanio da Silva Dias3 has sug¬
gested that Pacheco may have followed the example set by an
Arab writer of the first half of the fourteenth century, one
Ibn-al-Wardi, who entitled a work on geography and natural
history A Precious Stone of Marvels and a Pearl of Memorable
Things. The objections to this view are twofold ; in the first place
there appears to be no reason for supposing that Pacheco was
acquainted with this book, and, secondly, it is difficult to see why
he should prefer to use the Italian termination of the word for
“ emerald ” to the Portuguese (and Spanish) form — “ csmeralda.”
* Book 1, chap. 19.
* “ Influ£ncia dos Descobrimentos dos Portuguese na histbria da civiii-
safao,” in Histories de Portugal, vol. rv, p. 228.
3 Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, edigio critics annotada, 1905. P- 4-
INTRODUCTION
xviii
Luciano Pereira da Silva has an even more ingenious solution
to offer1. He holds that Esmeraldo is an anagram of the names
Emmanuel (Manuel) and Eduardus (Duarte). This explanation
appears to be even less probable than the first, for the word
Esmeraldo does not contain all the letters of the two Christian
names in question, indeed it does not contain the requisite letters
to form either name ; furthermore, it is unlikely that Pacheco,
who, throughout his work, refers with the utmost respect to his
sovereign, should have taken the liberty of coupling his name
with that of King Manuel.
A third and very reasonable explanation has been suggested
to me by Dr George Sheppard. In his opinion the word
Esmeraldo is akin philologically to the Spanish word “ esmerado ”
(= guide). Certainly the Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis is first and
foremost a guide to navigation.
THE CONTENT OF THE ESMERALDO
Though the title is obscure, there is nothing obscure about the
scope and aim of the book. In the author’s own introductory
words, his intention is to write “a book of cosmography and
navigation.” Because of the orientation of Portuguese interests
he will limit himself to two of the four continents, Africa and
Asia ; all that concerns navigation he will describe at great length :
“ thus all the routes will be stated, namely the position of places
and promontories in relation to one another, in order that this
work may have an ordered basis and that the coast may be
navigated in greater safety: similarly the landmarks and shallows,
for these are essential ; and the soundings, both their depths and
the kind of bottom, whether it be mud or sand or rock or
gravel or snags or shingle, and the distance of the soundings
from land: similarly the tides, whether they flow NE and
SW as in our Spain, or N and S or E and W or NW and SE,
which it is essential to know in order to be able to enter
and leave the bars and mouths of rivers: further, the altitudes
of the poles, by which one may know the latitude of a place and
1 Historia da Colottisafao Porluguesa do Brasil, vol. I, p. 249.
INTRODUCTION
XIX
its distance from the Equator.’* He says he will also describe
the inhabitants of the land of Ethiopia and their way of life.
Unfortunately the project does not seem to have been entirely
realised. Three of the five books contemplated are extant and
a part of the fourth, carrying the description down to the Rio
do Infante in South Africa. Now in view of what we know of
Pacheco’s life and of the fact that the body of the work seems
to have been written soon after his return from India, it is
difficult to see why the Esmeraldo should not have been com¬
pleted, especially as it was in the fourth and fifth books that the
author promised to deal with the hitherto undescribed south¬
eastern and eastern coastline of Africa1.
As far as the work goes it certainly fulfils the author’s promises.
After twelve introductory chapters on general geographical topics
such as the territorial division of the earth, the course of the
Nile, tidal phenomena and the calculation of latitudes, Pacheco
commences his systematic description of the coastline. Through¬
out this part of the work he follows a rigorously disciplined order
of treatment, embellished here and there by historical anecdotes
and personal opinions that at once reveal the calibre of the writer
and the state of contemporary knowledge. Compared with
contemporary works like Enciso’s Suma de Geographiay the
Esmeraldo offers a more detailed and circumstantial account of
the coast. Whereas much of Enciso’s information could have
been obtained, and undoubtedly was obtained, from charts,
Pacheco’s has all the traits of personal or eyewitness narrative ;
but this is not surprising in view of the part Pacheco played in
the discovery of the Guinea coast.
PACHECO’S DEBT TO TRADITION
In sharp contrast, however, to the up-to-date character of
Pacheco’s geographical knowledge of W. Africa is the mediaeval,
even classical, bias of his knowledge of the rest of the world.
For instance, in lauding King Manuel he says “your glorious
fame . . . sounds through the whole of Europe and Africa, Arabia,
Persia, through the lands of the Elamites, Babylonians, Chaldeans,
1 Vide pp. xxviii et teq. for a possible explanation of this anomaly.
XX
INTRODUCTION
Medes, Assyrians, Parthians, Phoenicians. . .it even penetrates to
the very distant and ferocious peoples of Cithas and the most
wealthy kingdoms of India1 ” — a catalogue that would have been
more appropriate to Herodotus’s day than to Pacheco’s. His
description of the Ocean is also strangely reminiscent of classical
writings1, while his fivefold division of Africa into the provinces
of Libya, Mauretania, Tingitania, Atlantica and Ethiopia is
openly borrowed from the Ancients, upon whom he does not
attempt to improved He further shows his classical bias in
employing the R. Nile and the R. Tanais (i.e. Don) as the
boundary lines between Africa and Asia and between Europe
and Asia respectively. Here and elsewhere the testimony of the
Scriptures is added to that of such men as Strabo, Pliny, Mela
and Ptolemy, both to give weight to the author’s arguments and
to provide him with his “factual ” basis. When he finds them in
disagreement he is not above pursuing a highly meretricious
middle path. His discussion of the problem of the Nile’s origin
provides us with an illustration of his casuistry. It was a con¬
troversial subject in classical times, and Pacheco cannot have
been ignorant of the obscurity surrounding it and the absence
of data; notwithstanding he does not hesitate to proffer a
solution. He rejects, rather surprisingly (seeing that he defers
to them elsewhere), the views of Mela, Pliny and the Christian
Fathers, and purports to base his statements “ according to the
description of Ptolemy4 ” ; but whereas Ptolemy places the sources
of the Nile in 12 S., Pacheco places them in 350 S., that is, in the
Cape of Good Hope, and affirms that the“ rocky mountains [sic] of
the Cape ’’ must be the Ptolemaic “ Montes LunaeV* This seems
to suggest one of two things : either that Pacheco knew very little
about Ptolemy’s Geographia, for it is expressly stated there that
some of the Moon Mountains were so lofty as to be covered with
snow and that the entire range stretched through 11 degrees of
longitude, that is, some 700 miles6, or that he quoted Ptolemy
and the other classical authorities, not because he accepted their
authority, but in order that he might keep himself in countenance
* Prologue, book 1. * Book 1, chap. 5. * Ibid.
* Book I, chap. 4. 5 Ibid.
‘ Geographia, book iv, chap. 8, para. iii.
INTRODUCTION
XXI
with the scholars of his day. His allusion to Pliny's description
of the middle Nile inclines me to the latter view. After speaking
of the island of Meroe which, he avers, is formed by the tem¬
porary bifurcation of the waters of the Nile, and which, according
to Pliny, is very fertile and well populated, he continues : “ Pliny
says further that the Nile flows for twenty days’ journey
underground and then reappears as a new river, and that
the inhabitants of that region believe that the Nile rises
there1.” Now the context of this statement in the Natural
History , from which Pacheco is quoting, is the paragraph dealing
with the Western Nile2 ; in Pliny’s opinion this formed part of
the drainage system of the Egyptian Nile — an opinion that was
completely at variance with Ptolemy’s, namely, that the two
systems were separate.
How little attention Pacheco paid to the substance of classical
geography can be seen in his discussion of the cause of the Nile
floods. Here he rejects all the classical theories — including
Strabo’s, which was substantially correct and well-grounded —
and sponsors the view that they are the result of the winter rains
in the Southern Hemisphere. What sort of gradient the Nile
would need to have in order to traverse 8500 miles — the minimal
distance between 350 S. and the Mediterranean Sea — in “a few
days* ” is left to our imagination. Leo Africanus, a contemporary
of Pacheco, could have told him that the flood-waters take
forty days and more to come down from the Abyssinian high¬
lands4.
A somewhat different bias — this time towards biblical and
ecclesiastical authority — but the same casuistry is revealed in his
treatment of “The Size and Greatness of the Earth and Sea
and which of them is the larged.” In a word, Pacheco’s thesis is
this : the earth is not surrounded by the sea, as was maintained
by many of the philosophers, but rather “ the earth in its great¬
ness surrounds and contains all the waters in its concavity and
centre.” After adducing arguments from Vincent of Beauvais’s
* Book 1, chap. 4- * Book v» ch*P- 5*
* Book 1, chap 4.
4 History and Description of Africa, vol. Ill, p. 936 (Hakluyt Society).
5 Book 1, chap. 2.
XXII
INTRODUCTION
commentary on the Psalter, he proceeds to argue that the recent
discoveries of the Portuguese in the western Atlantic — which he
regards himself as having initiated1 — provide fresh evidence of
his contention*. The immediate interest of the passage for us
lies in the fact that Pacheco held this “large continent” to be
continuous from north of the Arctic Circle to south of the Tropic
of Capricorn. How did he arrive at this conclusion? There are
his own personal observations and the findings of such other
Portuguese explorers as Cabral, Coelho and the Corte Real
brothers. Cabral can be quickly dismissed, as his Brazilian
experience, whether fortuitous or planned, was only of some
four or five days' duration. Gon^alo Coelho and FernSo de
Noronha, accompanied; so it would seem, by Vespucci, followed
up this landfall in 1501 and 1502 and succeeded in tracing the
Brazilian coastline from about the latitude of Cape San Roque
down to, if not beyond, the limit given by Pacheco. The Corte
Real expeditions of 1500 and 1502 were prosecuted in northern
waters; although the existing records of their work are meagre
in the extreme, it appears likely that the north-east coast of
North America was examined from about the latitude of Hudson
Strait down to 50° N. This leaves some 50 degrees of coastline
still unaccounted for. Did Pacheco explore this portion? We
hardly think so. In the first place, had he done so he could not
have failed to notice the vast embayment of the Caribbean Sea
and the Gulf of Mexico with their possibility of a break in the
continuity of the mainland*, and he could not have committed
himself to the gross misstatement that, if “ from any other point of
Europe, Africa or Asia [sic], we sail across the Ocean... through
36 degrees of longitude [ = 648 leagues on his reckoning] . . . we find
* The validity of Pacheco's claim to have "discovered and sailed along a
large continent [Brazil?] ” I do not propose to discuss, as Mr W. B. Greenlee
promises to give us a full investigation of the early American explorations of
the Portuguese in his edition of the Cabral documents shortly to be published
by the Hakluyt Society.
* Book x, chap. 2.
3 The continuity of this part of the American coastline was only established
after Pineda’s voyage in 1519, but judging from the Reinel map of c. 1522
(Bibliothique Nationale, Paris), this fact was not immediately accepted in
Portugal. The Diogo Ribeiro planisphere of 1527 is the first Portuguese map
to suggest the continuity of the Central American coastline.
INTRODUCTION
xxiii
this land1.” To find land in middle latitudes he would need to
go at least 800 leagues. In the second place he would not have
come to the conclusion that “ this distant land is densely popu¬
lated2.” In the third place, while Pacheco gives the latitude of
several places in Brazil, stretching from 30 S. to z8J° S., he
gives none for the central and northern parts of the new con-
tinentf.
Where, then, did Pacheco derive his information? The corre¬
spondence of Pietro Pasqualigo, the Venetian, provides us with
the clue. In a letter to the Seigneury of Venice, written from
Lisbon in 1501, he says, speaking of the return of the first caravel
of Gaspar Corte Real’s expedition: “the people of the caravel
believe that the above land [Labrador?] is the mainland and that
it joins the other land [Newfoundland? Greenland?] that in the
previous year was discovered to the north by another caravel of
His Majesty. But they were not able to reach it because the sea
was frozen over with vast quantities of snow like mountains on
the land. They also think that it is joined to the Andilie [i.e.
Antilles] which were discovered by the Sovereigns of Spain, and
with the land of Papagia [i.e. Brazil] lately discovered by the
ship of this King [i.e. Manuel] when on its way to Calicut. This
belief is caused, in the first place, because having coasted along
the said land for a distance of 600 miles and more, they did not
come to any termination; also because they report the discovery
of many very large rivers which fall into the sea . . . V* In a letter
(of almost the same date) to his brothers, Pasqualigo writes:
“they say [i.e. the crew of the caravel] that this land [i.e. La¬
brador?] is very populous.. . .They have brought here seven of
the natives, men, women, children, and 50 others will come in
the other caravel which is expected from hour to hour5.’
From these letters it is clear that the continuity of the new
continent was already postulated by the time of Pacheco’s return
from the Cabral expedition and that Pacheco was not alone in
regarding this distant land as being thickly populated. In the
1 Book x, chap. 2. * Ibid.
J Book I, chap. 7.
4 C. R. Markham, Journal of Columbus, p. 232 (Hakluyt Society).
J Ibid.
XXIV
INTRODUCTION
absence of other evidence it would seem clear, furthermore, that
these opinions of the Corte Real crew were the main ground of
his confidence. What motive can our author have had in making
so bold and baseless an assertion concerning these newly found
lands? He himself tells us. He is out to demonstrate that “ the
Ocean is only a very large lake set in the concavity of the earth1 ”
and that “the water only occupies a seventh part of the earth,
as is shown in the fourth book of the prophet Esdras and the
sixth chapter3.” For this to be even approximately true the new
continent must “go round the whole globe*”; as “its end has
not been seen or known4 ” in Pacheco’s time, this was a quite
plausible conjecture. As if to strengthen his own convictions he
advances the ancient theory of the Antipodes, but both wrongly
attributes and applies it*.
PACHECO’S NAUTICAL RULINGS
In his treatment of the problems pertaining to navigation,
Pacheco emancipates himself from the shackles of classical and
ecclesiastical scholarship. Experience, not tradition, is his guide ;
witness such commonly repeated aphorisms as “Experience
has disabused us of doubts and errors6.” His discussion of the
calculation of latitude — one of the earliest Portuguese essays on
the subject — is entirely practical and is easily the clearest and
most concise explanation that had been given up to his time.
After a general preamble he proceeds to formulate four rules for
the finding of latitude:
1. When the sun is between the observer and the equator,
whether to the north or south of the equator,
Latitude = 90° -(Altitude of sun at noon -its Declination).
2. When the observer is between the sun and the equator,
and the altitude and the declination together equal more than 90°,
Latitude (N. or S.) = Altitude + Declination— 90°.
* Book 1, chap. 2.
* Ibid.
i Ibid.
* Ibid.
4 Ibid.
6 Book 11, chap. XX.
INTRODUCTION
XXV
3 . When the observer is between the sun and the equator, and
the altitude and the declination together equal less than 90°,
Latitude (N. or S.) = 90° — (Declination + Altitude).
A moment’s reflection will suffice to show that Pacheco was
in error here, for when the observer is between the sun and the
equator the sun’s noon altitude and the declination must always
be more than 90°. This formula, however, holds good for the
case which he goes on to describe.
4. When the equator is between the sun and the observer,
as above.
Compared with the methods described in the Munich Regi¬
men to, where seven cases are postulated, the directions in the
Esmeraldo are remarkably succinct and comprehensive. In point
of accuracy there is little to choose between the lists of latitudes
given in the two works ; if anything, Pacheco’s is the more precise.
Naturally the degree of accuracy is greatest in those parts of
Europe and Africa where measurements had been taken for a
comparatively long time ; but even in southern latitudes Pacheco’s
figures are by no means wide of the mark. Thus he places the
Cape of Good Hope in 340 30' S.1, Sofala 20° S.a and Cape San
Roque 30 30' S.3 The enumeration of places with their latitudes
south of the equator is noteworthy when we recall that King
Manuel issued a decree in 1504 ordering the suppression of all
information, including latitudes, bearing on the navigation of
the African coast beyond Rio do Padram, i.e. 70 S. If, as we
surmise4, the Esmeraldo was banned by the national inquisitors,
this may well have been one of the contributory reasons.
The problem of longitude was less tractable and Pacheco
avoids it — in spite of an assurance to the contrary in an early
chapter*. He contents himself with the rather naive statement
that “ degrees of longitude are counted from orient to Occident,
which the mariners call east and west, and this is difficult to
ascertain because they have no firm and fixed point as are the
* Actually 34° 22' S.
J 20 out.
* Book i, chap. 6.
1 Actually 20® io' S.
4 Vide infra, p. xxix.
XXVI
INTRODUCTION
poles for the latitudes, and of this I will say no more1.” It was
not until the following decade that the subject was first dealt
with in the textbooks of navigation, and then only in a tentative
fashion. Ruy Faleiro sought to establish a connection between
the passage of the moon’s meridian and longitude; Francisco
Faleiro argued that there was a connection between magnetic
deviation and longitude. Jo2o de Castro and Pedro Nunes were
non-committal. And so the search continued until finality was
attained, some two centuries later, as a result of the invention
of the chronometer.
At the end of his general introduction Pacheco devotes his
attention to the method of computing the ebb and flow of the •
sea in the Iberian peninsula and in “other regions where there
are tides1.” The relation between the moon’s course and the
tides he takes for granted, but he grossly underestimates the
complexity of the subject when he says that a knowledge of the
lunar cycle will enable a mariner to judge how the tide stands
no matter where he is. He did not know, what is now common
knowledge, that the constituents of a tidal regime vary from
place to place, that there are semi-diurnal, diurnal and longer
period forces which operate in different ratios in different places,
and he only seldom seemed to notice the varying effect of coastal
configuration on the rhythm and occurrence of tides. His rather
wordy account may be paraphrased as follows :
1 . There is an interval between one conjunction and the next
of 29 days 12 hours and 33 minutes, the reckoning of the
“ philosophers ” differing from that of the mariners by 3 minutes.
2. As the “tidal day” is of the same length as the lunar day,
there is a daily retardation of the tide of some 45 to 50 minutes.
3. For this reason the state of the tide bears a close and
calculable relationship with the moon’s position in the heavens.
On the Atlantic coast of Portugal and Spain, for instance, it is I
always high-water when the moon is in the north-east and south¬
west and low-water when the moon is in the south-east and
north-west.
I
1 Book 1, chap. 8.
* Book 1, chaps, iz, ia.
INTRODUCTION
XXVII
4. By using the relationship between the lunar cycle and solar
time, it is possible to know exactly how the tide stands “ wherever
we are, either inland far from sea or coming from the deep sea
in search of land1.” Thus at the beginning of the new moon
(i.e. at conjunction) the moon and the sun are in the north-east
and so high-tide occurs at 3 a.m. 24 hours and 45 minutes later
the moon is again in the north-east, but the sun will be a “ quarter
point” further east, i.e. north-east by cast*, and so high-tide
will occur at 3.45 a.m. On the following day the moon will be
in the north-east at 4.30 a.m., i.e. when the sun is east- north¬
east. In other words high-tide comes a “quarter point” later
every day. Accordingly, Pacheco says, “ he who wishes to calculate
the tide must therefore see in what point of the compass the sun
is and then count the number of days which have passed since
the conjunction, counting a quarter point of the compass for
each 24 hours up to 15 days or less, and according to the position
of the moon will be the tide ... 3.” Up to this point his directions
are explicit enough, but when he comes to the question of
distributing the 45 'minutes’ daily time-lag round the points of
the compass, he seems unable to grasp the implications of his
own argument. Thus, having stated that, when the sun and moon
are in conjunction, low-water occurs off the coast of Spain at
9.0 a.m. (w’hen, according to his reckoning, the sun and moon
are in the south-east), he goes on to tell us that high-tide will
occur wrhen the sun is in the south-west, i.e. at 3.0 p.m., and
the next low-tide when the sun is in the north-west, i.e. at
9.0 p.m., whereas by hypothesis, high-tide will occur at
3.1 p.m. and low-tide at 9.22$ p.m. Apparently he did not
realise that anything was wrong until he had wrorked round the
compass points to the east, by which time, presumably, he could
see that his method of reckoning was going to give 9.0 a.m. for
the next low- tide, instead of 9.45, for at that juncture he inter¬
polates a sentence to the effect that, as the moon is 45 minutes
behind the sun, it will no longer make the tide at the same time
1 Book I, chap. ix.
* The sun, theoretically, goes round the eight points of the compass every
24 hours: therefore it passes from one “quarter point” to the next every
45 minutes.
3 Book I, chap. 12.
xxvm
INTRODUCTION
as on the previous day. It is not until he comes to deal with the
state of the tide when the sun is south-east by east that he
assumes the 45 minutes’ time-lag to be in operation1.
However, apart from a few f isolated lapses of this sort,
Pacheco’s treatment of nautical matters is highly meritorious.
Altogether the Esmeraldo deserves a much more prominent place
in the annals of nautical history than it has so far been awarded.
THE ESMERALDO AND THE PORTUGUESE
CONSPIRACY OF SILENCE
It has been shown by Dr Jaime Cortes3o3 and others that, in
pursuance of their ambition to hold a monopoly of the trade of
Guinea and the adjacent coasts of Africa, successive kings of
Portugal decided on the suppression of all information calculated
to excite the interest and jealousy of other Powers. Further,
vessels of other nations were prohibited from sailing into West
African waters. Pacheco himself tells us of an expedition made
by some Flemings in 1475 to Mina in defiance of this veto, and
adds that their folly was suitably rewarded, “ for God gave them
a bad end3.”
John II (reigned 1481-1495) was the chief instigator in all
this, using his energies to prevent leakage of information either
from printed or manuscript sources, just at a time when
foreigners were seeking by every means to acquire it. This,
CortesSo points out, accounts for the almost complete silence
of Ruy de Pina — the official chronicler of John II — on matters
of discovery. In fact after 1448, the last year embraced by
Zurara’s Chronicle, we are at pains to discover the sequence of
events in exploration. In the reign of Manuel I, especially after
the return of Cabral from India, the vigilance of the Portuguese
government was intensified ; it was, above all, anxious to prevent
the export of maps, nautical instructions and pilots’ observations.
“ It is impossible to get a chart of this voyage,” wrote an Italian
agent, concerning Cabral’s expedition, “because the King has
* Book 1, chap. 12, last paragraph.
* Vide Lusitania, Jan. 1924: “The National Secret of the Portuguese
Discoveries in the Fifteenth Century.”
3 Book ii, chap. 3.
INTRODUCTION
XXIX
decreed the death penalty for anyone sending one abroad1.” It
is also said that navigating charts were sometimes only lent to
navigators by the India House, and at the end of a voyage they
had to be returned to that institution*.
Very clear testimony to the effectiveness of this policy of
suppression is provided by fifteenth-century cartography. The
case of Behaim’s globe is fairly typical. It has been shown else-
where3 that the only known map bearing any resemblance in
its West African nomenclature to the globe of 1492 is the
Martellus map of about 14894 ; secondly, that it is impossible
to detect the direct influence of Portuguese sailing charts either
on Behaim’s nomenclature or on his delineation of the coast and,
thirdly, that at least half of his West African place-names have
no known source. Now if they had a bona fide source, it is almost
certain that they must have been derived ultimately from
Portugal, particularly as Behaim was intimately associated with
the life of that country from 1484 to 1490. However, if this were
so, it is difficult to see why these names should have remained
entirely unutilised by later map-makers — a difficulty all the
greater, if, as Behaim averred, he accompanied Diogo C2o on
his second voyage, where the information would have been
secured. Have we, then, to assume that Behaim invented
50 per cent, of his nomenclature? The conclusion appears to
be inevitable, but in the light of the Portuguese conspiracy of
silence such a fabrication is readily understood. In Germany
people were crying out for an up-to-date picture of the world
that should incorporate the results of the Portuguese discoveries.
Was Behaim to confess that the Portuguese had kept back the
details, or was he to invent them? The desire to appear before
his fellow-countrymen as a successful explorer as well as a great
traveller may have dictated the answer.
In face of evidence of this character it becomes quite feasible
to suppose that the Esmeraldo came under the ban of the censor,
and that the latter part of the work may after all have been
1 Historia da ColonisafUo Portuguesa do Brasil, vol. 11, p. 227.
* Vide E. Prestage, Portuguese Pioneers, p. 17 1.
s G. H. T. Kimble: “Some Notes on Mediaeval Cartography,” Scottish
Geographical Magazine, vol. xux, 1933, pp. 91 et sexI-
4 Brit. Museum Additional MS. 15,760.
XXX
INTRODUCTION
written and portions subsequently suppressed in the interests of
national policy. Tampering with documents was by no means
unknown; it is now held by certain Portuguese scholars that
even Zurara’s Chronicle was truncated1 * 3. Whatever the true
explanation of its “unfinished” condition*, there can be little
reasonable doubt that the Esmeraldo was censored; its map of
the world* and its numerous unique sketches — “pintado pella
natural ” — were of far too great importance to remain open to
public inspection. Some scholars4, indeed, have gone as far as
to suppose that the maps were extracted of set purpose from the
manuscript, basing their opinion on the absence of the maps
from the existing copies of the original ; but this is unwarrantable
because Barbosa Machado, who saw the original in the eighteenth
century, reports that it contained eighteen illuminated maps,
besides some sketches*. The fact that Machado’s reference is
almost the only known allusion to the Esmeraldo in the first
250 years of its history is perhaps the most eloquent testimony
that can be borne to the success of “the conspiracy of silence.”
THE MANUSCRIPTS AND PUBLISHED
EDITIONS OF THE ESMERALDO
The original manuscript of the Esmeraldo has been lost. How
it was lost, or when, is unknown ; it was still in existence in the
middle of the eighteenth century as we have just said. Were it
not for the fact that Barbosa Machado tells us that it was housed
in the library of the Marqueses of Abrantes — situated some
seventy miles from Lisbon — we might have been tempted to
attribute its disappearance to the ravages of the great Lisbon
earthquake of 1755; whatever its fate, it is not heard of again
1 F-8- A. J. da Costa PimpSo, A Cronica de Guin6, vide E. Prestage, op. cit.
P- 169.
* I* i® just possible that there is an entirely different explanation, and that
Pacheco was the victim of jealous intrigue; for in book 11, chap. 9, he com¬
plains of “railers, backbiters and slanderers” who were seeking to frustrate
his design.
3 Book 1, chap. 5.
4 E.g. E. Prestage, op. cit. p. 171.
3 Bibhoteca Lusitania, vide A. CortesSo, Cartografia e Cartografos Portugueses
dot Seculos XV e XVI, vol. 11, chap. 8, pp. 105 et stq.
INTRODUCTION
XXXI
after Machado’s time. There are, however, two copies extant,
one in the Evora library1, and the other in the Biblioteca Nacional
at Lisbon3. The Evora manuscript, according to the authority
of Gabriel Pereira and Pedro de Azevedo, belongs to the reign
of John V, that is, to the first half of the eighteenth century*.
Raphael de Azevedo Basto, on the other hand, judges it to be
in a late sixteenth-century hand, and to have belonged to the
Bishop of Oporto, Rodrigo da Cunha4. The Lisbon manuscript,
made on paper of the Lous2 mill (founded in 1748), belongs
on palasographic grounds to the second half of the eighteenth
century. In a note at the end, written in a still later hand, it is
stated that the manuscript appears to have been copied from the
copy belonging to the aforesaid Bishop of Oporto5. This second
copy, purchased by the Biblioteca Nacional in 1867, is thought
by Basto to be the same as that which figures in the catalogue
cxv
of the Evora library — compiled by Sr. Rivara — under Cod.
with a note to the effect that on September 4th, 1844, it was taken
from the library by order of one of the King’s ministers and was
not restored. Basto believes, furthermore, that at no time have
there existed more than the two copies cited in the Evora
catalogue6.
Of the two copies the older is reckoned to be the more faithful ;
such errors as it contains are due in all probability to obscurities
in the original text. The Lisbon copy, in addition to perpetuating
the errors of the earlier version, contains many others resulting
from careless transcription.7 For this reason the Evora manuscript
is used as the basis of the following translation; fortunately,
however, none of the errors, whether misspellings or mis¬
interpretations, is sufficiently serious to obliterate the sense of
the original.
As far as I am aware, there have been only two complete
editions of the Esmeraldo up to the present time, and both of
these are in Portuguese. The first appeared in 1892 to com-
1 Cod. x vol. fol., 100 leaves.
* Cod. B, 17, 1 vol., 80 leaves.
J Vide Epiphanio da Silva Dias, Esmeraldo. . . edifSo cntica, i9°5» P- 5*
4 Esmeraldo. . .edi^o commemorativa, 1892, p. i L
5 Ibid. 6 Ibid. 1 Vide Frontispiece.
XXX11
INTRODUCTION
memorate the four-hundredth anniversary of Columbus’s dis¬
covery of America. It was edited by Basto and contains a fairly
lengthy introduction. Besides printing the manuscript, though
with scant regard for accuracy, Basto collated a large number
of documents bearing upon the life and work of Pacheco ; some
of these are here reproduced in facsimile. The second edition
is the work of Epiphanio da Silva Dias and was published in
1905. Much less lavish in design than its predecessor, it is a
much more scholarly work; of particular critical value are the
footnotes, which, among other things, call attention to the verbal
discrepancies between the Evora and Lisbon manuscripts. The
text is universally adjudged to be reliable and, whenever in
doubt, it has been resorted to for the purpose of the present
work.
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Lisbon, 1892.
Kingsley, Mary. West African Studies. London, 1899.
xxxiv SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Leo Africanus. The History and Description of Africa. Hakluyt
Society, 1896.
Malfante, Antonio. Relation de Voyage datde du Touat...en 1447-
Translation by Charles de la Rondure. 1919.
Markham, Sir C. R. (Editor). The Journal of Columbus. Hakluyt
Society, 1893.
- The Book of the Knowledge of all Kingdoms - Hakluyt Society,
1912.
Mediterranean Pilot, Part I, 4th edition. London, 1 905-1 r.
Mela, Pomponius. De Situ Orbis. Venice, 1471.
Nunes, Pedro. Tratado .. .da carta de mar ear. Lisbon, 1537.
Orosius, Paulus. Historia adversos paganos. Cologne, 1527.
Osorio, Jeronimo. The History of the Portuguese during the Reign
of Emmanuel. Translation by J. Gibbs. London, 1752.
Pacheco Pereira, Duarte. Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis. EdifSo com-
memorativa by R. E. da Azevedo Basto. Lisbon, 1892.
- Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis. Edi9ao critica annotada by E. da Silva
Dias. Lisbon, 2905.
Perez de Valcntia, Jacobus. Expositions in psalmos Davidicos. 1518.
Pina, Ruy de. Cronica de D.Jo&o II. Lisbon, 1790.
Pius II. Opera Geographica et Historica. Helmstadt, 1699.
Plinius Secundus, Caius. Natural History. Translation by J. Bos-
tock and H. T. Riley. London, 1848.
Ptolemy, Claudius. Geographia. Rome, 1507.
Purchas' Pilgrims. Maclchosc edition. Glasgow, 1905.
Regiomontanus, Johannes. Ephemerides. 1474?.
Sacrobosco, Johannes de. Tractatus da Sphaera. Wittenburg, 1538.
SerrSo Pimentel, Luis. Arte Practica da Navegar. Lisbon, 1681.
Solinus, C. Julius. Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium. Rome, 1474?.
Strabo, Marcus. Geography. Translation by H. L. Jones. London,
1917-32.
Vincent of Beauvais. Speculum Historiale. Strasburg, 1473.
Zacuto, Abraham. Almanack perpetuum. Venice, 1502.
Zurara, Eannes (Gomes) de. Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest
of Guinea. Hakluyt Society, 1896.
B. SECONDARY WORKS
Angel, F. Les Serpents de TAfrique Occidental Fran faise. Paris, 193 3.
Arcin, A. Histoire de la Guinde fran faise. Paris, 1911.
Babcock, W. H. Legendary Isles of the Atlantic. New York, 1922.
Bellefond, Villaut de. Relation des Cdtes d’Afrique appelies Guinde.
Paris, 1669.
Bensaude, J. L'Astronomie nautique au Portugal d Tdpoque des grandes
decoiw tries. Bern, 19x2.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
XXXV
'Portuguese Roteiros, 1500-1700.” Mariner's Mirror,
Boxer, C. R.
1934.
Cardinal!, A. W. The Gold Coast. Census Office, London, 1932.
CortesSo, A. Cartografia e Cartografos Portugeses dos Seculos XV e
XVI. Lisbon, 1935.
Cortesao, J. The National Secret of the Portuguese Discoveries in the
15 th Century. Lusitania, 1924.
Costa, F. da. Marinharia dos Descobrimentos. Lisbon, 1934.
Delafosse, M. The Negroes of Africa. Washington, 1931.
Ditmars, R. L. The S rushes of the World. New York, 1931.
Dubois, F. Tombouctou la Mystdrieuse. Paris, 1897.
Forbes, H. O. A Handbook of the Primates. London, 1894.
Fraser, Sir J. G. The Golden Bough. London, 1907—15.
Kendrew, W. G. Climates of the Continents. Oxford, 1922.
Kimble, G. H. T. w Some Notes on Mediaeval Cartography.”
Scottish Geographical Magazine, 1933.
Le Clercq, H. L'Afrique Chrdtienne. 1904.
Major, R. H. The Discoveries of Prince Henry the Navigator and their
results. London, 1876.
Peres, D. (Editor). Historia de Portugal. Barcelos, 1928- .
Prestage, E. Portuguese Pioneers. London, 1933.
Ravenstein, W. "The Voyages of D. C2o and B. Dias.” Royal
Geographical journal, 1900.
Ronciere, Charles de la. La Ddcouverte de VAfrique au Moyen Aee
Cairo, X924-5. ’
Roth, H.L. Great Benin: Its Customs, Arts and Horrors. Halifax, 1903.
Sclater, W. L. The Mammals of South Africa. London, 1900.
Silva, L. P. da. Historia da ColonisafUo Portuguesa do Brasil. Porto
1921. ’
Stark, A. and Sclater, W. L. The Birds of South Africa. 1900.
Taylor, E. G. R. " Pactolus : River of Gold.” Scottish Geographical
Magazine, 1927.
Viterbo, S. Trabalhos nauticos dos Portugueses nos Seculos XVI e XVII
Lisbon, 1898.
Warmington, E. and Carey, M. Ancient Explorers. 1929.
Weeks, J. H. Among Congo Cannibals. London, 1912.
Zuckerman, S. The Social Life of Monkeys and Apes. London, 1931.
\
PROLOGUE
The beginning of the Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis,
made and composed by duarte pacheco, Knight
of the Household of the late King John II of
Portugal , addressed to the most high and mighty Prince and
most Serene Lord King Manuel , our sovereign , first of this
name to reign in Portugal.
Most high and mighty prince and serene lord, we
could not escape censure were we to allow to fall into oblivion
without record the worthy fame of our forefathers and [other]
excellent men who deserve to be held in perpetual remembrance;
for the knowledge of their great deeds increases the glory of your
name, even as in noble works your Highness excels them. And
inasmuch as the ancient writers, from whose works we have
received instruction, treated of the discovery of the sphericity
of the earth and of the sea, concerning which they held various
opinions, and inasmuch as the present time is appropriate for
dealing with this subject, your Highness must know that Marcus
Strabo of Cappadocia, a very ancient writer and of great authority,
says, almost in the middle of the first book of his Cosmography1 :
“it will suffice if, eliminating further discussion, we write only
of the men who relate their navigation to Ethiopia.” Some say
that Menelaus*, making his way round by Calez3, took his course
as far as the region of India ; and the time agrees with the length
* Geography , book :, chap. 2, para. 31.
1 According to the Homeric tradition (Odyssey, book tv, passim ), when
Menelaus was driven out to sea in attempting to double Cape Malea, a part
of his fleet was carried to Crete and the rest, with Menelaus himself, was
driven to Egypt. While there, Menelaus visited the countries that surround
the eastern head of the Mediterranean : he tells Tclemachus that he wandered
to Cyprus, Phoenicia, Ethiopia, the land of the Erembi and Libya. Exactly
what significance can be attached to the mention of Ethiopia it is impossible
to say, but seeing that nothing is said about the Sahara, the Nile or the
West African coast, there is no reason to suppose that Menelaus anticipated
n any way the explorations of later times.
* I.e. Cadiz.
HK
1
2
PROLOGUE
of the journey which is given in Homer1 * *: “I came back with
ships in the eighth year." Others say that he made his way
through the isthmus, that is, between the two shores of the
Arabian Gulf ; and Caius Pliny, a Roman senator and an excellent
writer, in the second book of his Natural History , chapter 69*,
states that Hanno the Carthaginian sailed from Calez to the
Arabian Gulf. Further, these authors say3 that Eudoxus, fleeing
from King Latirus of Alexandria, sailed from the Arabian Gulf
to Calez ; and Pomponius Mela4, a very ancient writer born near
Gibraltar, also affirms this, and states moreover near the end of
the third book of his De Situ Orbis that this Eudoxus was the
first to bring fire and its use to the barbarous peoples of Ethiopia,
to whom it was till then unknown ; and some of the other cosmo-
graphers agree as to this. However this navigation and its use
was lost to all the men of old time in such wise that during
1500 years or more it was altogether forgotten and dead. A new
beginning was made by the most excellent prince, a prudent and
virtuous man, the Prince Henry, Duke of Viseu and Lord of
Covilhan, your late uncle, who, illuminated by the grace of the
Holy Spirit and moved by a divine mystery, at great cost to his
estate and to the lives of the Portuguese in his household,
ordered the island of Madeira to be discovered and peopled. In
addition he discovered land in Guinea (formerly known as
Ethiopia) from Capes Nam and Bojador to Serra Lyoa, distant
from these realms 650 leagues and lying 8° north of the Equator ;
owing to him it comes about that a great part of the Ethiopians,
who were almost beasts in human form, cut off from divine
worship, are learning the holy catholic faith and are daily being
converted to the Christian religion. In order that this enterprise
might be carried out with greater security and blessing it was
first entrusted to him by the Holy Fathers of Rome, Popes
Eugene IV, Martin V and Sixtus IV, and by others who suc¬
ceeded them, who decreed that the said Prince and all the lawful
1 Odyssey, book iv, II. 81-2. Judging from the Homeric text it would
appear that Pacheco is quoting Strabo on Homer, not Homer himself.
* Actually chap. 67.
* Natural History, book 11, chap. 169; Geography, book n, chap. 3, paras.
4 and 5.
* De Situ Orbis, book Ill, chap. 10.
EXPLORATION UNDER JOHN II 3
Kings of Portugal who came after him should for ever possess
from the Capes Nam and Bojador all the islands, harbours,
commerce, traffic, fisheries and conquests of the whole of Guinea
discovered or to be discovered on the eastern and southern
coast, including India; with innumerable excommunications,
prohibitions and interdictions forbidding any other princes,
lordships or communities to have any part in the said regions,
as is set forth at greater length in the bulls1 and letters granted
to the said Prince and to the Kings of Portugal, which are kept
in the Torre do Tombo in this city of Lisbon. On the death of
this holy Prince, his nephew King Afonso V continued this
conquest and discovery. In the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ
1460 on the 13th day of November the virtuous Prince Henry
died, and after his death the excellent King Afonso V ordered
the discovery to be continued from Serra Lyoa (where he left
off)a all along the coast of Malagueta and Mina from the R. dos
Escravos to Cabo de Caterina, a distance of some 650 leagues
beyond Serra Lyoa.
After the discovery of all these regions and provinces and the
death of King Afonso, the most serene Prince King John II, his
son, continued this enterprise; he is worthy of eternal re¬
membrance, for, in his great desire to increase the commerce
and wealth of these realms, he ordered* the discovery of the
islands of S. Thom6 and S. Antonio and peopled them as a base
for the navigation to India, which we must hold he would have
discovered had Our Lord granted him longer life. Further he
founded the city of S. Jorze da Mina, which is now so valuable
to your Highness and to your realms. To avoid prolixity I omit
the details of many discoveries which this glorious prince
ordered* me4 and others of his captains to make at many places
and rivers along the coast of Guinea, the interior of which was
unknown in the days of Prince Henry and King Afonso. He
thus discovered [the coastline] from Cabo de Caterina, where
1 Zurara reproduces one of the earliest and most important of these bulls
(dated 5 January 1443) in his Chronicle of Guinea (Hakluyt Society), chap. 15.
1 This is the usual belief, based on the Cadamosto narrative, but Dr Jaime
Cortesio is of the opinion that Cape Palmas was reached. Vide Historic de
Portugal (edited by D. Peres), vol. in, p. 382.
J Portuguese mandou. * Vide Introduction, p. xiii.
1-2
4
PROLOGUE
his father left off, to Cabo de Boa Esperan£a, which is in the
latitude of 34^° south, and from there on to Penedo das Fontes,
which we also know as Ilheo da Cruz, 160 leagues beyond that
cape. Thus this excellent prince discovered in all 760 leagues of
coast, including the kingdom of Maniconguo1 and many other
peoples ; and the navigation to these lands is stormy and difficult.
From this [discovery] arose the hope and will to discover India,
which has now been made known to your Majesty.
All these things are true, most serene Prince, and many of
them happened in our day. But what shall I say of your
Highness and of the divine grace which the supreme Creator
shed upon your spirit, endowing you with greater understanding,
knowledge and fortitude than all your predecessors, ancient and
modern?3. . . For in the second year of your reign 1497 a.d. and
the 28 th year of your age your Highness ordered the discovery
to be continued from Ilheo da Cruz3, where King John left off,
and without counting the great and heavy expense, a portion of
Ethiopia under Egypt4 was discovered, which from the earliest
times to our day was utterly unknown. Your captains discovered
anew the great mine which some hold to be that of Ophir3 and
is now called £ofala, whence the most wise King Solomon
‘ Vide infra, book m, chap. 2.
1 There it a small lacuna in the text at this point.
* This was the most easterly point reached by Dias — 25 leagues west of
the Rio do Infante. ' 4 Cf. book I, chap. 27.
5 The theory that Ophir was a locality on or near the East African coast
in the neighbourhood of Sofala is now almost without supporters. "The
whole argument," says Schoff ( Periplus of the Erytkreean Sea, p. 97), "was
pure assumption, as there is no reference in ancient literature to any know*
ledge of the African coast within 600 miles of the point of Sofala." Some
have thought to establish the identity of Ophir and Zimbabwe in Mashona*
land, but careful investigation of the site by Dr Randall Maclver and other
archaeologists has resulted in depriving the ruined city of any claim to great
antiquity. It is now widely held that Ophir was located on or near the Oman
Coast of Arabia (vide “ The Expanse of the Earth as known in Old Testament
Times,” by the present writer in the Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria
Institute, vol. lxvii, p. 210). English writers in Pacheco’s day placed Ophir
near the Moluccas (vide Robert Thome’s map of 1527). The “great mine"
Pacheco speaks of was not at Sofala. This town was simply the Arab and
negro emporium for the barter of gold that came from mines in the interior
(cf. St Jorze da Mina). Enciso, vide Barlow, Brief Summe of Geographie
(Hakluyt Society), is nearer the truth when he speaks of " the people of the
country brought thider ( i.e . to Sofala) moche golde. . p. 109. Cf. The Booh
of Duarte Barbosa, edited by M. L. Dames, vol. 1, chap. 4 (Hakluyt Society).
DISCOVERY OF INDIA
5
according to1 . . . the ninth chapter of the third book of Kings1
and the eighth chapter of the second book of Paralipomenon^,
drew 420 talents of gold with which he built the holy temple at
Jerusalem. And further at your command a great portion of the
sea was discovered until the province of Maabaar*, known as
Lower India, wTas revealed. Here many great cities and notable
towns were discovered, among them the ruined city of Malipor*,
where we believe is the holy sepulchre of the blessed apostle
St Thomas and where Our Lord has performed many miracles.
Among all the western princes of Europe God chose out your
Highness to receive this blessing and possess the tributes of the
barbarian kings and princes of the East. Rome in the time of
her prosperity, when she ruled a great part of the world, could
never thus make them tributary; on the contrary, fighting for
their independence, they slew Marcus Crassus, a very brave
captain, killing 20,000 of his army and taking 10,000 prisoners6 ;
and now by divine sanction and special grace your Highness
rules over ail, the path of your knights extending through the
’ A small lacuna at this point.
1 In the Septuagint and Vulgate versions of the Bible, the title of First
and Second Book of Kings was given to the Books of Samuel, and the Books
of the Kings (so called in the Hebrew version) were known as the Third Book
of Kings (the two books forming a unit). The passage referred to is I Kings
ix. 28.
J The Septuagint name for the Books of the Chronicles, the word denoting
that they are supplementary to the preceding historical books. The passage
referred to is II Chronicles viii. 18.
4 I.e. Malabar. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the name was
commonly applied to both the East and West coasts of Southern India, vide
T. Bowrcy, The Countries round the Bay of Bengal, 1669-1679, p. 6 (Hakluyt
Society).
5 Early ecclesiastical legends going back to the third century a.d. affirm
that the Apostle St Thomas preached Christianity in the domains of one
Gondophemes, who ruled over an extensive realm in the Kandahar country,
where the Apostle was martyred. Another group of traditions alleges that the
same apostle was martyred at MailSpur near Madras. Some writers have tried
to reconcile the two stories in some measure by guessing that St Thomas may
have first visited Kandahar and then gone to the Peninsula. The evidence
does not permit us to come to any certain conclusion. Cf. The Book of Duarte
Barbosa, vol. II, chap. 99 (Hakluyt Society).
6 The reference is to the disastrous Roman campaign against the Parthians
in the spring of 53 B.c. Aa a result of the battle of Carrhae on the River
Belik in Upper Mesopotamia, only 10,000 of Crassus’s 44,000 men ever
returned to Syria. The 10,000 prisoners were settled at Merv to keep the
Parthian frontier. It was one of the worst defeats sustained by the Roman arms.
6
PROLOGUE
lands and seas of India and the coasts of Asia as far as the
conquests of Alexander. The valiant advance of the Portuguese
arms and fleet, which by your command and power perform such
mighty deeds, so augments your glorious fame that it sounds
through the whole of Europe and Africa, Arabia, Persia, through
the lands of the Elamites, Babylonians, Chaldeans, Medes,
Assyrians, Parthians, Phoenicians and the peoples of Palestine;
it even penetrates to the very distant and ferocious peoples of
Cithas1 and the most wealthy kingdoms of India. We may
therefore rightly assert that the glory of your victories and praise
of your name and your mighty navigation and conquests exceed
those of Menelaus and Hanno of Carthage and Eudoxus, greatly
praised and glorified by ancient writers, as of all the kings and
princes who preceded you. For in a short space of time your
Highness discovered nearly 1 500 leagues beyond the discoveries
of all the ancients and moderns, unknown and unnavigated by
any nations of our West. And now, for the greater safety of this
navigation, it is well that your Highness should order the dis¬
covery and exploration of the coast from Ilheo da Cruz, since
at its first discovery it was made known in general and not in
detail; and because your Highness informed me that you wished
to entrust this to me, I have undertaken a book of cosmography
and navigation, of which this is the preface. The book will be
divided into five books ; the first will treat of the discoveries of
the virtuous Prince Henry, the second of those of the excellent
King Afonso, the third of those of the most serene King John as
far as Ilheo da Cruz, as I have said ; the fourth and fifth will deal
with the glorious achievements of your Highness, which in
extent and quality exceed those of all the other princes. The
former of these books will begin at Ilheo da Cruz and end at
Cabo de Guardafune* at the entrance of the Arabian Gulf 3,. . .
and so on to the Persian Gulf and the whole of India. This is
the order and subject matter of the five books, and they will not
only be necessary for the prosecution of this navigation and
1 I.e. Scythia.
* I.e. Cape Guardafui.
* I.e. Red Sea. There is a lacuna at this point. Judging by the context it
must have contained originally some such words as “and the second book
will begin at the entrance of the Arabian Gulf.”
SCOPE OF THE ESMERALDO
7
commerce, but will ensure to our heirs and successors an eternal
memory and remembrance by which they may know your
excellent deeds, so worthy of glorious immortality. Yet what
eloquence can be so matchless as perfectly to set forth the
measure of the great achievements of our Emperor Manuel?
For surely Marcus Tullius, the most excellent orator of the
Romans, and Homer and Demosthenes, the principal orators
among the Greeks, would fear to set their hands to the descrip¬
tion of achievements of such importance ; but I leave all that to
the historian of your reign. Here I hope to deal at length with
that which appertains to cosmography and navigation; and
therefore I will first briefly mention some of the greater circles1 * 3,
and the size of the earth and of the sea and which of these is the
greater, and I will rapidly describe the greatness of Africa and
of Asia, where your victorious arms flourish in the east and in
the west. I will limit myself to these two* [continents], the
interior I will only briefly describe, but the coast and all that
concerns navigation and cosmography I will deal with at greater
length ; thus all the routes will be stated, namely the position of
places and promontories in relation to one another, in order that
this work may have an ordered basis and that the coast may be
navigated in greater safety : similarly the landmarks and shallows,
for these are essential ; and the soundings, both their depths and
the kind of bottom, whether it be mud or sand or rock or gravel
or snags or shingle, and the distance of the soundings from land :
similarly the tides, whether they flow NE and SW as in our
Spain?, or N and S or E and W or NW and SE, which it is
essential to know in order to be able to enter and leave the bars
1 According to medneval and renaissance theory the sphere was divisible
into a number of circles. Martin Cortes, for instance, in his Art of Navigation
(translated by R. Eden), chap. 9, says: “The sphere is compounded of ten
circles imagined. And (as saith John dc Sacrobosco in his boke of the Sphere)
sixe of them are greater and foure lesse. The greater circle is that which
devideth the sphere into two cquall partes and hath his centre with the
centre of it. These are the Equinoctiall [i.e. the Equator], the Zodiac, the two
Coluri, the Horizon and the Meridian. The lesser circle is that that devideth
the sphere into two uncquall partes. These are the two Tropykes and two
Polar circles.” Cf. R. Barlow, Brief Summe of Geographie (Hakluyt Society),
P- 3;
* Lacuna. The sense seems to require only the one word we have inserted.
3 Vide Introduction, pp. xxvi et seq.
8
PROLOGUE
and mouths of rivers: further, the altitudes of the poles, by
which one may know the latitude of a place and its distance from
the Equator. I will also describe the inhabitants of this land of
Ethiopia and their way of life and commerce ; and I will set all
this1 forth diligently for the service of your Highness as best
I know and can in this book, which will be called Esmercddo De
Situ Orbis2. And when this and other things that your Highness
commands are performed, we will be able to say of you what
Virgil said3 of Caesar Augustus: “You rule over the mighty sea
and everybody honours your greatness and Ultima Thylle [i.e.
the ends of the earth] will serve you.”
1 The text is slightly corrupt at this point, but not sufficient to make the
meaning obscure.
* Vide Introduction, p. xvii.
s Georgies, book x, li. 29-30 :
“An deus immensi venias maris, ac tua nautae
numina sola colant, tibi serviat ultima Thule.”
Pacheco translates it rather freely.
FIRST
BOOK
The beginning of the first book, with a par¬
ticular description of some of the greater circles and
of the property of the earth.
Chapter i
We know that the philosophers and wise men of
old gave the name of world and sky and other names to that
which embraces all things in its ambit1, and they called it East
or Orient where the sun rises1 and West [or]1 Occident where
it sets and the intervening space South and North. What is here
briefly set forth concerns only the greater circles. On this subject,
they affirmed, moreover, that the earth is set in the centre^ and
is surrounded on every side by the sea; and that the earth is
divided into two parts or hemispheres from east to west and on
the east into five zones4; the middle zone, which is called the
equinoctial zone or the zone of primary movement, is distressed
by the great heat of the sun, but is nevertheless well peopled ; it
is believed that the colour of the Ethiopians is so black because
1 Literal translation of passages in P. Mela, De Situ Orbis, book i, chap. 3.
* Text slightly corrupt.
5 Cf. De Situ Orbis, book 1, chap. 4.
* The division of the earth’s surface into zones, corresponding to the zones
into which astronomers divided the heavens, goes back to classical times.
The number of such zones was unanimously set at five, commonly designated
as Septentrionalis, Solstitialis, Equinoctialis, Brumalis (or Hyemalis) and
Australis, but there was considerable difference of opinion concerning their
habitability. The prevailing view down to the middle of the mediaeval period
was that the two polar zones and the equatorial zone were uninhabitable, the
former by reason of cold, and the latter by reason of heat. Later opinion was
inclined to reject the inhabitability of the equatorial zone, because of growing
evidence that there were people living near the equator. Pacheco of course
had to reject the traditional belief about the Torrid Zone, but he still held to
the view, common in the Middle Ages, that an Antipodean race inhabited the
southern temperate zone ; although part of this southern zone was discovered
in his own day, he nowhere suggests that South Africa is the home of the
Antipodes. The reason for this may be that, in the popular imagination, the
home of these people was in an “ austral continent.” On the general question
of the Antipodes and “Terra Australis” vide A. Rainaud, Le Continent
Austral.
10
THE ANTIPODES
they dwell near this zone, while it is said that the climate of the
two zones nearest the poles produces peoples of extreme white¬
ness and beauty, even more than the other two or temperate
zones, where the seasons of the year are more equable. Of these
two zones it is said that the Antipodes inhabit one part and we
the other ; they dwell on the opposite side of the earth, where the
sun rises when it sets for us, and their feet are over against our
feet, for which reason they are called Antipodes. The property
of the globe is such that if one could pierce the earth and throw
a stone in from its surface, thinking that it would come out on
the other side, it would not go beyond the centre, but would
remain there, for that is the lowest part (every other part being
higher) and it is impossible and contrary to nature for any heavy
thing to mount or move from the centre to the circumference.
Thus the Antipodes inhabit the one part and we the other, and
in the part in which we dwell no one is content with all the
blessings that he possesses, and in the end eight feet of earth
suffice us and there the vanity of all our cares is consumed away.
Chapter ii
Concerning the size and greatness of the earth and
sea and which of them is the larger.
To describe the situation of the globe and the greatness of the
whole earth and of the sea, the islands, cities, fortresses, animals
and all the other things contained in it is a long and difficult
matter admitting no elegance of style, for its order is confused ;
and owing to the earth’s size it cannot be known in detail, but
our admiration for so excellent a thing is such that it is full
worthy to be described and discussed1. Therefore we must
consider how the philosophers who treated of this matter said
that the earth is completely surrounded by the sea, bringing
themselves to believe that the whole of our world, the seat of
life and the glory of our empires is made into an island by the
* This sentence is very reminiscent of Mela’s preamble to the De Situ
Or bis.
DISTRIBUTION OF LAND AND SEA
II
surrounding waters, and their conviction of this was carefully
reasoned ; but some of the modern doctors have held different,
even contrary opinions. For they sought to prove by the
authority of Holy Scripture and able arguments opposed to
those of the ancients that the earth is larger than the sum of all
the waters, which are placed in the depths and concavity of the
earth and are surrounded by the earth; as to which we must
note the words of Jacob, Bishop of Valencia1, an excellent scholar
and master of sacred theology, who in his commentary on the
Psalter and with reference to the Psalm 104 (which begins
“Bless the Lord, O my soul” and has a verse “Who laid the
foundations of the earth ”)a says that the waters are all set within
the concavity of the earth and that the earth is far larger than
all the waters. And Pliny in the second book of his Natural
History , chapter 673, says that all the waters are placed in the
centre of the earth, and this is a conclusion which is not to be
denied. That the truth may be further declared we may note
the words of the first chapter of Genesis : “ Let the waters under
the heaven be gathered together unto one place4,” the words
“unto'one place” showing that the earth is not surrounded by
the sea, for if it were so these words would not have been used
or required; rather it would have said “Let the waters be
removed from the earth,” in which case there could be no doubt
that the earth is surrounded by the waters and only a small part
of it uncovered for animals to dwell on ; but since it says3 “ Let
the waters be gathered together unto one place” it was made
clear that the waters remained in the concavity of the earth, since
it is the nature of water to flow downwards, and following their
nature the waters obeyed the behest of the Creator; so that we
may say thatS this wra$ according to nature, since the lowest part
of the earth is its centre and on this the waters are founded.
Consequently the prophet David in the thirty-third Psalm,
‘ I.e. Jacob (or Jaime) Perez, a native of Ayora in Valencia. He was
Bishop of Nicopolis in Asia Minor and flourished in the latter half of the
fifteenth century. His commentary is entitled Expositions in psalmos Davidi-
cos, and went through several editions before rsoo. The passage referred to
is found on p. 224 (1518 edition).
* Verse 5. 3 Chap. 65.
4 Verse 9. Text slightly comipt.
12
DISCOVERY OF BRAZIL
beginning “Rejoice in the Lord, O ye righteous” said “He
gathereth the waters of the sea together as an heap: he layeth
up the depth in storehouses1,” and since the depth of the earth
is its centre the storehouse of the waters has this place for its
foundation. It follows, therefore, that the earth contains water
and that the sea does not surround the earth, as Homer and
other authors affirmed, but rather that the earth in its greatness
surrounds and contains all the waters in its concavity and centre ;
moreover, experience, which is the mother of knowledge, re¬
moves all doubt and misapprehension. Therefore, most fortunate
Prince, we have known and seen how in the third year of your
reign in the year of Our Lord 1498, in which your Highness
ordered us to discover the Western region, a very large landmass
with many large islands adjacent, extending 70° North of the
Equator, and located beyond the greatness of the Ocean, has
been discovered and navigated; this distant land is densely
populated and extends 28^° on the other side of the Equator
towards the Antarctic Pole. Such is its greatness and length that
on either side its end has not been seen or known, so that it is
certain that it goes round the whole globe3. Thus if from the
shores and coast of Portugal or from the Promontory of Finis-
Terra or from any other point of Europe, Africa or Asia [sic]
we sail across the Ocean due West and East, through 36 degrees
of longitude (though some points are slightly more distant)
which at eighteen leagues to the degree* are 648 leagues, we find
this land4, along which the ships and subjects of your Highness
now coast at your command and permission. Following this
coast 28 degrees from the Equator towards the South Pole there
* Verse 7.
1 Vide Introduction, pp. xxi et seq.
3 This is an unusual reckoning, for in the normal Portuguese Regimentos
distances were based on a degree of 17$ leagues. As Portuguese sailors
reckoned 4 miles (Roman miles, 70 of which are equivalent to 64-4 English
statute miles), 648 leagues are equal to 2592 Roman miles (or 2384-6 English
miles). Now the only land a mariner is likely to find this distance west of
Portugal is the Bermudas, some 500 miles from the American mainland. In
point of longitude the north-east salient of Brazil satisfies Pacheco's figure
fairly well ; but this is by no means due west from ** the shores and coast of
Portugal." However, judging from the context, it was this region that
Pacheco had in mind.
4 Corruption in the text.
SMALLNESS OF THE OCEAN
13
is found much excellent Brazil1 *, with which (and with many
other things) the ships of these realms return heavily laden.
Many years before this land was known or discovered Vincent
in the first book of his “ Mirror of Histories,” chapter 177s, said
that “besides the three parts of the earth there is a fourth part
beyond the Ocean to the South, where the Antipodes are said
to dwell.” Since this land beyond the Ocean is so large and on
this side we have Europe, Africa and Asia, it is clear that the
Ocean is placed between these two lands, with land on either
side of it, and we can therefore affirm that the Ocean does not
surround the earth as the philosophers declared, but rather that
the earth must surround the sea, since it lies in the concavity
of the earth and in its centre. Therefore I conclude that the
Ocean is only a very large lake set in the concavity of the earth
and that the earth and sea together form a sphere. From the
Ocean many arms branch out and enter the earth and are known
as mediterranean, and this we believe to be the truth. We have
still to declare how much larger the earth is than the water, for
the water only occupies a seventh part of the earth, as is shown
in the fourth book of the prophet Esdras and the sixth chapter3 4 :
“On the third day Thou didst command the waters to be
gathered together into a seventh part of the earth but six parts
Thou didst dry up.” Thus the water covers a seventh part of
the earth and six parts of the earth are uncovered for the fife of
man and of the other animals ; and this is a reasonable belief*.
1 The word “brazil” is usually supposed to signify either some special
kind of red dye wood or dye wood in general : however, in the commercial
literature of the time there is little to identify it as wood at all. “ Most likely
many kinds of red wood suitable for dyeing and perhaps other vegetable
products available for that purpose were included under the name * brazil ’ ”
(W. H. Babcock, Legendary hies of the Atlantic, pp. 54-5).
* Vincent of Beauvais's Speculum Historiale, chap. 77. The statement
quoted by Pacheco is found also in Isidore ( Etymologies , book xiv, chap. 5,
para. 17), and in many other mediaeval writers. It runs as follows Extra
tres autem partes orbis quarta cst trans ocean um intcriorem in meridie qui
solis ardore incognita nobis est. In quibus finibus Antipodes fabulose in-
habitae produntur inhabitare.”
J Verse 42.
4 In mediaeval times there were two main theories concerning the distri¬
bution of land and water. They were (a) the oceanic theory, that the “ oikou-
mene ” is surrounded by water, and (b) the continental theory, that the oceans
of the earth occupy relatively small and enclosed basins. Orthodoxy de-
H
Chapter iii
How Shem , Ham and Japheth , the sons of Noah , each in¬
habited his part of the earth after the Flood and how these
parts were called Europe , Asia and Africa , and concerning
the places that divide them1.
I am advised to tell how, after the universal flood and total
destruction, from which by divine privilege holy Noah and his
sons escaped, when the earth was uncovered and the waters had
returned to their place, they and their descendants possessed
the whole earth. Thus it is said that Shem, his eldest son,
inhabited the Eastern region, Ham the South and Japheth
the North. As there were three sons of this holy father, the
ancient writers divided the earth that they knew into three parts,
and long after the restoration of the peoples who were lost in the
flood, when the earth was again fully peopled by man, Pom-
ponius Mela and other ancient cosmographers as well as others
who held this to be true during long ages, divided the earth into
three principal parts. Of the fourth part, discovered at the
manded the acceptance of the former view (for it was supported, so its
protagonists argued, by Holy Scripture, e.g. Ps. cxxxvi. 6), but there were
various and even conflicting notions in regard to the size of the ocean or
oceans which surrounded the known world. Abelard, for instance, held that
all the earth’s surface except the “oikoumene” was covered by water.
Martian us Capella and Macrobius, who had a great following in the Middle
Ages, held that there were three areas of land corresponding to our "oikou¬
mene ” in the other quarters of the globe and that, consequently, the ocean
could not occupy a very large percentage of the total surface area. This view,
of course, was in line with that of the Book of Esdras, which, although
apocryphal, enjoyed much popularity in the Middle Ages ( vide R. Bacon,
Opus Majus, Bridge’s edition, vol. I, p. 291). Pacheco, while conceding, with
Bacon, that the water surface of the earth was small in comparison with the
land surface, discards the oceanic theory (which Bacon held) in favour of the
continental view that "the earth must surround the sea.”
1 The writers of antiquity and the Middle Ages were practically unanimous
in their division of the “oikoumene” into three parts. Orosius, however,
spoke of certain writers who divided the earth into two parts, making Africa
a part of Europe, “because of its small size”, and making Asia as large as
Africa and Europe together (vide Ilistoria adversos paganos, book 1, chap. 2,
para. 1). It was upon this latter belief that the characteristic symmetrical
division of the earth in the " T in O ” maps was based.
DIVISION OF THE CONTINENTS
15
bidding of your Highness, being unknown to them, they said
nothing. These three parts have from the beginning been called
Asia, Europe and Africa. The name Asia is said to have been
that of a queen who reigned in this region ; the name Africa is
said to be derived from Afeer, the son of Abraham, who brought
a great army and subdued the inhabitants, and those who after¬
wards possessed it were called Afcros and now are called
Africans. For this reason it is believed that all this region is
known as Africa1 *. Europe took its name from that of a queen,
the daughter of Agenor of Lybia ; and from these or other causes
these regions are universally known by these names. These
regions are divided into three parts by the straits between the
western Gaditanian* coast and Cepta3 and by two famous rivers,
viz. the Tanais4 and Nile5; the division begins at the Riphaean
mountains6, which are near the Arctic pole, where the Tanais
rises, and running south through the country of the Scythians,
flows impetuously into the sea of Tanais, formerly known as
Palude Meotis7. By this river and the Mediterranean from
Cepta to the Thracian straits, which were called the Hellespont,
where the city of Constantinople is situated, and ending in the
Lake Meotis, Europe is clearly divided from Asia.
1 This is the usual derivation. Afer (or Epher as he is called in Genesis
xxv. 4), however, was a grandson, and not a son of Abraham.
* I.e. belonging to, or in the neighbourhood of, Cadiz.
* I.e. Ceuta. 4 I.e. River Don.
5 Cf. Mela, De Situ Orbit, book 1, chap. 8, and Pliny, Natural History,
book m, chap. 3. Throughout classical and mediseval times the Nile rather
than the Red Sea was regarded as the frontier between Africa and Asia. The
dividing line between Europe and Asia was not universally held to be the
Tanais : some, e.g. Herodotus (History, book iv, chap. 45), preferred to give
this distinction to the Phasis, i.e. Rion River, which enters the Black Sea near
the town of Poti.
6 The myth of the Riphaean Mountains goes back to antiquity. It was
popularised by Aristotle, who believed that these mountains gave rise to many
of the large European and Asiatic rivers (Meteor ologica, chap. zo). As no
first-hand evidence was forthcoming until a relatively late date, the myth
enjoyed a very long vogue. Some have sought to identify them with the
Urals. The Don however rises on slightly elevated ground south of Moscow.
The Riphsan mountains figure frequently on mediaeval maps: e.g. the
Hereford world-map (Riphay montes) and Psalter map (British Museum
Add. MS. 28,681).
7 The Sea of Tanais is of course the Sea of Azov, which was formerly
known as Paludemeon.
Chapter iv
Concerning the birth and course of the river Nile1.
The river Nile rises in the Mountains of the Moon beyond the
equator towards the Antarctic Pole. These mountains, according
to the description of Ptolemy*, and the place of the Nile’s rising,
350 south of the equator, must be the rocky mountains of Cabo
de Boa Esperan^a. And flowing from its springs it forthwith
forms two great lakes and thence flows through the land of the
Ethiopians over against the Tanais^ ; at 150 [north] it forms two
branches which afterwards reunite. The land between these
branches forms an island called Meroe ; it is very large and well
populated and is far better and richer than the other islands
which the Nile forms with the overflow of its waters, as Pliny
declares in the fifth book and ninth chapter4 of his Natural
History. Pliny says* further that the Nile flows for twenty days’
journey underground and then reappears as a new river, and that
the inhabitants of that region believe that the Nile rises there.
Flowing thus it waters all the adjacent lands of Egypt and gives
sustenance to the whole of that province, for in the months of
June, July, August and September, when it is summer in Egypt
and there is never any rain, the Nile overflows its banks and
covers the fields of Egypt ; after the waters have receded the
earth is sown and cultivated and produces its fruits. When the
Nile rises twelve covados6 it means famine; a rise of thirteen
means a fair subsistence, fifteen gladness, and sixteen great
fertility, according to Pliny? in the chapter mentioned. It is
certainly very remarkable that the Nile should overflow in the
* Vide Introduction, pp. xx, xxi, and Plate (opposite).
* Vide Geographia, book tv, chap. 9, paras. 23 and 24. But Ptolemy places
the source 12J0 S.
* Cf. Mela, op. cit. book 1, chap. 8 and book in, chap. 85.
4 Actually book v, chap. 10. 5 Ibid.
4 A Portuguese measure containing three-quarters of a yard or a Flemish ell.
7 Pliny's description runs as follows: (the) “most desirable height (of
increase) is 16 cubits; if the waters do not attain that height, the overflow is
not universal : but if they exceed that measure, by their slowness in receding
they tend to retard the process of cultivation. . . . When the water rises to only
HAKLUYT SOC IETY
Serl« 1L Vol. LXXlX
ARABIA!
B Y Kf,
MASimi-
MiriBA
PHAF
-CCA
R.BCJ
IO
^lORTH-EAST AFRICA, FROM PTOLEMY'S " CEOGRAPHIA," ROME, I»7
SOURCE OF THE NILE
*7
greatest heat of summer; the cosmographers who diligently
sought out the reasons of this gave many causes, but that which
best satisfies me is that, in the promontory where the Nile rises,
the seasons are opposed and contrary to those of Egypt, since
the centre of Egypt is 30° north of the Equator and according to
the description of Ptolemy the region in which the Nile rises is
350 south of the Equator; in which region in the months men¬
tioned we know that it is the depth of winter; and the rains
which fall in this region in a few days reach Egypt owing to the
rapid flow of the river, although it is then summer in Egypt, and
it seems that this is the reason for the overflow of the Nile.
Chapter v
Concerning the four mouths of the Nile
and where it enters the sea.
Concerning the floods of the river Nile of which we spoke in
the preceding chapter we have learnt that a large arm flows
through Lower Ethiopia towards the west, which the Ethiopians,
according to its course from distant lands, say is the Rio de
Managua1 ; for of all the rivers of this land of Ethiopia which wc
have studied daily during many years we know certainly that
this is the largest, as we shall set forth at greater length in the
chapter dealing with the Rio de Managua3. The other arm,
flowing north, we know enters the sea of Egypt* near the archi-
12 cubits, it experiences the horrors of famine: when it attains 13, hunger is
still the result: a rise of 14 cubits is productive of gladness: a rise of 15 sets
all anxieties at rest: while an increase of 16 is productive of unbounded trans¬
ports of joy. . . ” (book v, chap. 10).
1 I.e. the Senegal River: cf. Leo Africanus, History and Description of
Africa (Hakluyt Society), vol. I, pp. 124-5.
1 Vide note on book I, chap. 27.
J It was not until the time of Solinus ( Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium,
chap. 24, para. 14) that the word “Mediterranean” came to be employed for
the inland sea of that name, and then only as a convenient designation and not
as a strictly geographical name. Pliny and Ptolemy both called it "Mare
Internum,” Mela “ Mare Nostrum.” In order to give its various parts exact
definition, it was customary to apply the name of the adjacent country to
them; hence “sea of Egypt.” The archipelago referred to is of course the
iEgean.
HK
2
i8
BOUNDARIES OF ASIA AND AFRICA
pclago by four mouths ; the chief and largest of these was from
very ancient times called Canopus after the pilot of Menelaus
of that name who died there ; it is now known as Raxete1 *, and
by this mouth many large boats and sailing vessels go up to the
great city of Cairo and proceed thence much farther up the river.
From this place to its source, the Nile divides Asia from Africa,
and from die banks of the Nile further on all that part which
extends thence to the East as far as the sea3 where the Ethiopians
dwell under Egypt and beyond there towards India, past the
entrance and mouth of the river Ganges and the land of Chis3,
passing, further on, the Hyperborean Mountains4 5 and the great
province and region of Catay, which was formerly called Cithia,
until it comes to an end in the sea which on the north washes
the coast of Norway, once named Dacia*, — all this part is called
Asia. The other part, which turns from the Nile w estward across
the land and also runs along the western Gaditanian coast of the
Mediterranean and comes out by the straits of Cepta, enclosing
this land of the Ethiopias of Guinea until it ends in the Cape of
Good Hope, — all this part is counted as Africa. The same
Mediterranean is that which divides Africa from Europe, and we
call the north side Europe and the south side Africa. Ancient
1 Canopus (or Canobus) was the name of the town at the mouth of the
chief distributary of the Nile. In ascribing the origin of the name to Mene-
laus's pilot, Pacheco follows the Greek tradition, but it is more probable that
it owed its appellation to the god Canobus, who was worshipped there with
peculiar pomp. With the rise of Alexandria, Canopus began to decline : traces
of its ruins are found about three miles from Aboukir. Rosetta (i.e. Raxete) is
the modem successor of that town.
* I.e. Indian Ocean.
5 I.e. China.
4 These mountains, which, according to classical geography, marked the
northernmost limit of the “ oikoumcne,” were situated north of the Riphaean
Mountains and were the home of a legendary race of that name. “Here,”
Pliny tells us, "we find light for six months together, given by the sun in one
continuous day” (Natural History, book iv, chap. 26).
5 In the last quarter of the fourteenth century Norway was united to the
crown of Denmark. Bishop Jacob Perez, whom Pacheco cites in book 1,
chap. 2, speaks of Norway thus: “cujus magna pars est sub domino regis
dacie.” Cf. ^neas Silvius’s Opera Geographica et Historica, "Danian sive
Dacium dicere volumus consuctudini servientes Germania: portio est”
(1551 edition, p. 425). Jutland and the later kingdom of Denmark were
generally called “Dacia” on maps and in learned works from the time of
Pliny to the fifteenth century.
PROVINCES OF AFRICA
19
writers divided Africa into five parts1; the first of these was
called Libya, because the coast land from the Nile to the Cabo
d’Antrefulcos3, where the town of Melilla is situated, is called
the Libyan Sea, the province deriving its name from this sea.
The second part was called Mauretania, which extends from
Melilla, where Libya ends, to the ancient city of Tingy, which
we now call Tanger. This region is known as Mauretania and
its inhabitants as Maurs: (owing to the alteration of a letter,
however, we now universally call them Moors). The third part
was called Tingitania, the coast as far as the city of £afy? taking
the name of the ancient city of Tingi. The fourth part is Atlantica,
and derives its name from the fabled Mount Atlas4 and the
rocky coast as far as the beginning of Ethiopia?, and the sea
along this coast took the name of Atlantic. The fifth part is
Lower or Great Ethiopia, of which only your Highness possesses
the trade. Into these five parts the whole of Africa is divided.
Of Asia and what pertains to it and of how some authors aver
that it is larger than Europe and Africa together we will speak
in due course. I conclude then that the Mediterranean and
these two rivers, the Tanais and the Nile, divide these three
regions, and all the ancient cosmographers asserted this; but
of the fourth region beyond the Ocean, which your Highness
There was not the unanimity among ancient and medixval writers con¬
cerning the division of Africa that Pacheco seems to think. Mela certainly
divided the continent into five provinces — if we include Ethiopia (which he
dealt with separately) — but his territorial divisions do not coincide in each
case with those of Pacheco’s list. They were : Cyrene, Lesser Africa (embracing
part of Pacheco’s Libya), Numidia and Mauretania. Pliny favoured a seven¬
fold division (eight with Ethiopia, which was again treated independently),
as follows: Mauretania, Tingitania, Numidia, Africa, the Syrtes, Cyrenaica
and Libya. Pierre d’Ailly in his Tractatus de Imagine Mundi — a typical late
mediseval cosmography—also favoured an eightfold division : Africa (pro¬
vince), Cyrenaica, Tripolitans, Bizacium, Carthaginensis, Numidia, Maure¬
tania and Ethiopia, but it was not customary to find the last-named province
listed under Africa. In the minds of most writers Ethiopia did not merely
denote the region beyond Upper Egypt and south of the Sahara, but the
entire southern part of the known world, just as India sometimes was applied
to the entire Far East. Egypt, it will be noticed, finds no place in any of these
divisions. It was regarded as “ the country which lies next to Africa ” (Pliny,
op. at. book v, chap. 9), since it was commonly held that the Nile formed
the boundary between Africa and Asia.
* I.e. Cap des Trois Fourches. 5 Vide note on book 1, chap. 18.
4 Vide note on book I, chap. 21.
5 I.e. Senegal River, vide book 1, chap. 27.
20
EXCELLENCE OF EUROPE
ordered to be discovered, they said nothing, since it was un¬
known to them1. For the better understanding of our work we
have set here a painted map of the world*, with the shape and
description of these lands, including Europe (although we are
not writing about it) since it is one of the four parts of the world,
albeit the ancient writers asserted that there were but three,
Europe, Asia and Africa, of which we have spoken above. Pliny
in the first chapter of the third book of his Natural History says
that Europe, being more excellent than all the other parts of the
world3, produces conquering races and that its position and
foundation are more stable than the rest. Owing to its excellence
some writers considered it to be not a third but a half4 of the
whole earth; nor may we doubt that in cities, towns, walled
fortresses and other stately and beautiful buildings Europe
excels Asia and Africa, as also in her larger and better fleets,
which are better armed and equipped than those of any other
region; nor can the inhabitants of Asia and Africa deny that
Europe possesses great abundance of arms and skill in them and
much artillery, besides the most excellent scholars of all the
world in every science, and that in many other respects it excels
all the rest of the world. Since its excellence is such that it may
not be briefly described, I have thought it better to be silent than
to write little on this subject.
1 This is a verbal repetition of the statement in chap. 3 (vide p. 15).
* Vide Introduction, p. xxx.
5 The text is corrupt at this point and it is not easy to say with certainty
what Pacheco wrote, seeing that this passage, contrary to the tenor of Pacheco’s
words, finds no complete parallel in Pliny.
4 Cf. Pliny, op. at. book m, chap. 5. This view originated with Herodotus,
book iv, chap. 42, but it was strenuously opposed by Polybius and others
even before the time of Pliny.
21
Chapter vi
Concerning the advantage of knowing how to count
the world's degrees of longitude and latitude.
Since we have promised in this work of ours to deal with
navigation and the things of the sea, it is reasonable that we
should fulfil our promise ; and because the subject of astronomy
is so well established as to be of great advantage to the matter
in hand, we have thought it well to set down here the degrees
by which some places known to us are distant from the Equator
in the direction of the North or of the South Pole. And since
it is necessary to explain the manner of counting the globe’s
degrees of latitude and longitude to the common unlettered
people and especially to the mariners who sail across the surface
of the seas of the world (they will derive great benefit if they
will learn this, seeing that they sail afar to many countries and
lands), we have set here a table of places, cities, lands and islands
and their degrees of distance from the Equator towards the
Poles, and later on we will say how the longitude and latitude
of the globe must be taken.
Chapter vii
Table of the latitudes of the following places
located north of the equator.
degrees minutes
Iherusalem
33
00
Egipto
29
5°
Babilonia
33
30
Meca
21
40
Damasco
33
00
An cron1
33
00
Fugua do Egipto*
29
00
degrees
minutes
Damiata
3*
00
Anburi3
20
00
Alcansatina4
45
00
Rodcs
36
00
Sardenha
38
00
Cezilia5
37
00
Roma
42
00
All four names are found in
Zacuto’s Almanack perpeluum
(1525)
‘ Corruption for Acre?
* Head of Nile Delta?
3 Corruption for Anbur near Barcelona?
4 Corruption?
5 Sicily.
22
LATITUDES
degrees minutes degrees minutes
Alixandria
3i
00
Suecia'3
62
00
Genova
42
30
Norvegia
54
00
Napoles
40
40
Buda in Hungary
47
00
Constantinopla
43
00
Vilhana1*
39
16
Captor1
3*
20
Mdrida
39
08
Paris
48
00
Niebla
37
44
Lisboa
39
00
Narbona
4®
43
Santarem
40
00
Hyta'J
40
49
Covilhan
41
00
Cadafalso1*
40
19
Medelim in Castille’
38
5°
Cd ceres
39
44
Tanger
35
15
Trosilho17
39
27
Sevilha
37
IS
Pisa
42
30
Salamanca
4*
19
Veneza
45
00
Cordova
37
44
Arzila
36
00
Toledo
39
54
Perepinha1*
42
30
Legion3
43
08
Panplona
43
30
Camora
4*
43
Logronho
42
20
Touro
41
44
Agueda'9
41
08
A villa
40
44
Lorca’8
38
II
Valhadolid
41
51
Murcia
38
38
Medina del Campo
41
22
Tortosa
4*
21
Benavente
39
II
Barcelona
42
19
Seguovea
40
57
Granada
37
39
Burguos
4 2
18
Verona
42
00
Santiaguo4
43
07
Cuencua
40
30
Valenqi3
39
52
Soria
4i
38
Albuquerque6
38
37
Almaria"
37
30
Tolosa7
43
00
Atenca’*
41
08
Viana Provincie*
44
00
Vitoria
42
46
Brujas9
52
00
Sena’3
42
3®
Collonha Agripina10
Si
00
Feez
33
00
Argentina"
47
00
Cepta*4
35
20
Constancia
46
00
Aljazira’5
37
22
Augusta Vindelicor-
Talaveira’6
39
58
Na
46
00
fieija’7
39
33
1 In southeast Spain. The portolan charts of the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries mark Captor midway between Malaga and Almeria.
* Near Badajoz. 1 Leon in Old Castille. Its Roman name was Legio.
* I.e. Santiago de Compostela. 5 I.e. Valencia in Cd ceres.
6 A town situated to the southeast of Valencia in the province of Badajoz.
7 Tolosa near S. Sebastian? Toulouse?
1 Vienne in Dauphind? 9 Bruges.
** Roman name of Cologne. ” Strasburg.
n Roman name of Augsburg. 13 Sweden.
u Villena in Valencia? ,J Hita in Old Castille.
1 Cadalso in the province of Cdceres.
17 Trujillo to cast of Cd ceres. 11 Perpignan.
19 Near Aveiro in Portugal. 19 Near Murcia.
il Almeria. “ Atienza in New Castille.
13 Siena in Tuscany. M Ceuta.
*5 Algcciras. u Talavera in New Castille.
*7 Near Cordoba.
LATITUDES
23
degrees minutes
degrees minutes
Palen^ia
4*
00
Coulam in India’3
08
00
Valenca*
39
36
Xaul in India’4
22
00
Daroca’
41
20
Melinde in Ethiopia
03
00
Saraguofa
4i
30
Ilhas do Fayal e do
Taragona
4*
53
Pico
38
30
Narbona
42
00
Hazamor
33
40
Cartagena
36
00
Cabo de Guer
31
25
Rcquena3
40
16
Cabo de Nam
3®
20
Alcantara
40
30
Ilha de Forte Ven¬
Madrid
40
24
tura in the Canaries
28
00
Jaem
37
56
Cabo de Bojador
27
zo
Guadalajara
40
45
Angra dos Ruivos
25
00
Alcaic
40
3°
Angra dos Cavallos
24
00
Tordclaguna4
39
58
Rio do Ouro
23
35
Colonia5
S1
00
Cabo das Barbas
21
30
Buarcos in Portugal6
40
35
Cabo Branco
20
20
O Porto in Portugal
41
40
Rio de (panagui
15
20
Caminha
42
30
Cabo Verde and An¬
Ilha Terceira of the
gra dc Bezeguiche
14
20
Azores
39
00
Cabo dos Mastos
*4
20
Cabo de Finis terra
43
45
Ilha de Sam Thiago
Sorlingua7
dc Cabo Verde
15
20
Hoexante*
. .
. #
Rio de Guambea’5
*3
00
Ho de Sines9
38
00
Rio Grande
zz
00
Ilha de SSo Miguel
Cabo da Verga
09
20
of the Azores
38
00
Ilhas dos Idolos
09
00
Cabo de Sfio Vincente
37
00
Auguada da Serra
Calez'®
37
00
Lyoa
08
00
Cabo de Espartel
35
30
Cabo de Santa Anna
07
20
Ilha da Madeira
33
30
Cabo do Monte
06
4°
Cabo de Cantim
33
30
Rio dos Cestos de
Trap ana in Cezilia
36
30
Costa da Malagueta
05
50
Ilha de Xio"
38
00
Cabo das Palmas
04
00
Cabo de Santo An¬
Castello de Sam
gelo in Morea
36
00
Jorze da Mina
OS
30
Maguadaxo in Ethi¬
Rio da Volta
06
30
opia
oz
30
Rio do Laguo
05
IS
Cochim in India
09
00
Rio Fcrmoso
• •
Ilha d’Anjadiva in
Rio dos Escravos
• •
India"
15
00
Cidade do Benin
• •
Calecut in India
11
20
Cabo Fcrmoso
• •
Cananor in India
IZ
00
Ilha de FemS do Poo
• •
1 Valencia, capital of the province of that name.
1 Near Caiatayud. 1 Near Valencia.
4 Torre laguna in New Castille. * Cologne.
6 Near Coimbra.
7 Sdlly Isles (vide portolan charts, e.g. Catalan Atlas, c. 1375).
* Ushant. * Cape Sines in Southern Portugal.
,e Cadiz. “ Chios.
** Anjidiv Is., about 50 miles SSE of Goa. ’* Quilon in Travancore.
14 Chaul, south of Bombay. *5 Gambia River.
LATITUDES
24
degrees minutes
Serra Guerreira
Ilha de Santo An¬
tonio, also called
Ilha do Principe
03
00
03
00
Ilha de Sam Thom6
01
00
Ilha de Cori Mori
near Persia1
21
00
Ilha da Boa Vista
50
degrees minutes
Ilha do Sal near
Ilha da Boa Vista 16 30
Ilhas de S. Nicolao,
Santa Luzia, Sam
Vincente. All these
four islands close
together, near the
Ilha da Boa Vista 16 40
These are the latitudes of the following places located south
of the equator :
degrees minutes degrees minutes
Rio do Guabam on
Cabo das Agulhas
35
00
the equator
00
00
Auguada de Sam
Cabo dc Lopo Gon-
Bras
34
30
£alvez
00
10
Rio do Infante
33
15
Rio do Padram
07
00
Ilhco da Cruz
Cabo ...y fuso*
10
45
Ilhcos dc Sam Chris-
Angra das Aldeas
16
20
tovS
32
40
Mangua das Areas
17
00
Ponta de Santa Lu2ia
3°
00
Cabo Negro
18
00
Ponta de Santa
Angra da Balea
21
00
Martha
26
00
Cabo do Padram
23
00
Cabo das Correntes
24
00
Angra da Comceip-
Cabo de Sam Se-
Cam
25
30
bastiam
20
30
Angra de Sam Thom<
*7
40
Cofalla in Ethiopia
20
OO
Angra das Voltas
29
00
Ilhas Primeiras
16
00
Monos da Pedra
3i
00
Monsombique
*5
00
Angra de Santa Elena
32
30
Cabo Delgado
10
00
Cabo de Boa Esper-
Quiloa
09
OO
an^a
34
30
Mombasa
04
30
These are the latitudes of the following places located south
of the equator in the land of Brazil :
degrees minutes
degrees
minutes
Angra de Sam Roque
03
30
Porto Scguro
18
00
Santa Maria d’Ara-
Rio dc Santa Luzia
19
20
bida
05
OO
Ilha de Santa Bar¬
Cabo de Santo Ago-
bara
20
20
stinho
08
IS
Rio dos Hare fees
24
40
Rio de Sam Fran¬
Ilha de Santa Crara
24
40
cisco
10
00
Cabo Frio
25
OO
Auguada de Sam
Ilha de...FemahuJ
27
OO
Miguel
10
OO
Ilha de Santo Amaro
28
30
Porto Real
14
OO
Ilha d'Acemsam4
21
OO
Angra de Todolos
Angra Fermosa
IS
OO
Santos
15
40
Ilha dc Sam Louren90
04
OO
1 Kuria Muria Isles off the south coast of Arabia.
1 Ponta das Camboas? {vide book ill, chap. 2). Text corrupt.
J Text corrupt. 4 Ascension Isle.
25
Chapter viii
Concerning the Equator and the understanding of the
earth's degrees of longitude and latitude.
We hold it to be a true and certain fact of astronomy that the
Equator divides into two equal parts the circumference of the
world, running from east to west and back to the east ; being set
at the centre of the globe it is distant ninety degrees from the
Arctic Pole, which the mariners call the North, and likewise
ninety degrees from the Antarctic Pole, which they call the
South. A man standing with the Equator as his zenith will see
the two poles level on the horizon1. Since these terms “ zenith ”
and “horizon” are only understood by the learned, we have
thought it well to explain them here in order to instruct those
who have no knowledge of this matter; they must know then
that the zenith is nothing but an imaginary point in the sky
immediately above our head, and if a thousand men are standing
together, or separate, or more or less than a thousand, each will
have his own zenith. The horizon is where it seems to us that
the sky joins the sea or the earth and is called the “ determinator ”*
of our vision since we cannot see beyond. Thus he who reaches
a point where he has the Equator for zenith will sec the two
* Pacheco presumably had in mind the polar circles of the celestial sphere
and not the terrestrial sphere. Our polar (or arctic and antarctic) cinde is
fixed : his varied according to the view-point of the observer. His was the
arctic circle of the Greeks, which was drawn on the celestial sphere parallel
to the equator and tangential to the observer’s horizon, and it therefore
separated the circumpolar stars that are always above the horizon from the
sure that rise and set with respect to his (the observer’s) horizon. Since the
altitude of the celestial pole is always the same as the latitude of the observer,
the arctic circles would become zero for him at the equator: and, again, he
would have no arctic circles if stationed south of the equator, nor would he
have any antarctic circles if stationed north of the equator. Conversely, if
the observer were at either of the poles the circle of the equator would become
zero for him, that is, the equator would be his horizon — as Pacheco says lower
down. ( Vide Strabo, Geography, book II, chap, z, para, z, note, Loeb
edition.)
* The word used by Pacheco — determinador — is the etymological definition
of the Greek word horixonte, which the Romans translated by circulus finitor
and circulus finiens ( vide E. Dias, op. cit. p. 39).
i6
LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE
poles equally touching the horizon, as I have said, and if he
travels until he has the Arctic or Antarctic Pole as zenith he will
see the Equator as the horizon. Further, you must know that
the degrees of latitude of the surface and circumference of the
world are counted from the Equator towards the poles, and the
number of degrees that either pole is raised above the horizon
(which is also called the circle of the hemisphere) gives the
number of degrees that a place, or man standing at that place,
is distant from the Equator. The degrees of longitude are counted
from orient to Occident1 *, which the mariners call east and west,
and this is difficult to ascertain because they have no firm and
fixed point [of reference] as are the poles3 for the latitudes, and
of this I will say no more*.
1 As a general rule, longitude used to be reckoned from the prime meridian
which Ptolemy had used, namely that of the Fortunate Isles (i.e. Canaries)
which were situated in the Western Ocean at what was regarded as the
westernmost limit of the habitable earth. Accordingly the longitudes of
places in the Old World came to be counted from west to east. Pacheco must
have known that this was the practice of his own day, and therefore we can
only suppose that he is guilty of a verbal slip in writing "from orient to
Occident " (but cf. R. Bacon, Opus Majtis — Mathematica, chap. 16, p. 208,
Burke’s edition).
1 Text slightly corrupt.
3 Vide Introduction, p. xx.
27
Chapter ix
Concerning the course of the sun towards the tropics.
Twice in the year the sun crosses the Equator, giving two
equinoxes, one on the eleventh of March1, when the sun is at the
first point of Aries; the other on the fourteenth of September,
when the sun is at the first point of Libra ; at which times the
day is equal to the night throughout the world. Moving from
Aries the sun in its course gives us a high solstice, and proceeding
till the twelfth day of June1 enters the tropic and sign of Cancer,
beyond which it never passes. This is called the summer solstice,
and the sun's greatest declination from the Equator towards this
region is 23 ° 33' [north]*. The sun then turns again and retires
from Cancer and enters the sign of Libra on the fourteenth day
of September1 as I have said; proceeding, it gives us a low
solstice until it reaches the tropic and sign of Capricorn on the
twelfth day of December1. This is called the winter solstice ; its
greatest declination is 23 0 30'* [south] and this is its farthest
limit. Thus it goes working and illuminating with its rays
throughout the year, passing through the twelve signs of the
Zodiac, entering and dwelling in one each month and leaving it
to enter another. Because the altitudes of the poles calculated
by the degrees of the sun’s declination are required for fixing the
latitude and distance of certain places north and south of the
Equator we will write here the manner of doing this, since
without this explanation nothing certain can be done. However
he who wishes to understand this must first know how many
degrees and minutes the sun declines daily and travels from the
* These dates are anterior to the reform of the calendar which took place
in 1582 under Pope Gregory, when n days (5 to 14 October inclusive) were
passed over.
* Up to the time of Pedro Nunes ( Tratado da carta de mortar) the most
commonly given value of the sun's maximum declination was 23° 33' — the
figure adopted by Zarkali. The corresponding value given by Regiomontanus
(Ephemerides) was 23 0 30'. Nunes discussed the 3 minutes, and finding them
unimportant dropped them. Pacheco compromised, adopting Zarkali’s figure
for the northern, and Regiomontanus’s for the southern, declination.
28
CALCULATION OF LATITUDE
Equator towards either of the tropics ; and when this is known
and also the time when the sun’s declination must be added to
the degrees of its altitude, or when the same declination of
altitude is to be taken away or when there is no declination, then
the degrees and latitude from the Equator towards either of the
tropics and poles will be known.
Chapter x
How the degrees of the sun's altitude are to be added to
its declination or the declination to be deducted from the
altitude.
The altitude of the sun should be taken exactly at noon with the
astrolabe or quadrant. He who takes it on the eleventh of
March, and on the fourteenth of September, and finds it to be
90°, which is its maximum altitude, may know for certain that
he is on the Equator and has it for his zenith; for at any other
time except these two equinoctial days of March nth and
September 14th, the sun does not reach an altitude of 90° at
the Equator. He who takes the altitude on these two days and
finds it to be fifty or sixty or eighty degrees, or more or less,
but still under ninety, will not have the Equator for zenith; to
ascertain his latitude he must deduct the number of degrees of
altitude from 90° and this will give him the number of degrees
of latitude from the Equator towards either of the tropics.
Item. He who takes the altitude of the sun on the twelfth
of June and finds it to be ninety degrees may know for certain
that he is under the tropic of Cancer and so at a latitude of
23° 33' fr°m Equator. If he finds an altitude of 90° on the
twelfth of December he will be under the tropic of Capricorn.
On these days one or other of the tropics will be his zenith
and he will be in the aforesaid latitude, namely, 230 33' from
the Equator.
Item. The astronomers have decided that the distance from
the Equator towards each of the tropics should be called the
CALCULATION OF LATITUDE
29
torrid zone and the “table”1 of the sun. The sun pursues its
course in this table throughout the year; while it rises to an
altitude of 90° at the Equator and the tropics, as I have said in
the preceding chapter, it also ascends during the course of the
twelve months in travelling between these points that number
of degrees in the said torrid zone. A man may be at such a place
on any of the days of the year, and when the sun rises to an
altitude of 90° it will be the zenith of his table ; when he finds
the altitude to be 90°, let him look at the table of the sun’s
declinations for the declination of that day. Let him then deduct
this number from the 90° and the remainder will give the degrees
of latitude that he is distant from the Equator in the direction
of either tropic.
Item. If a man is at a place where the sun is between him
and the Equator, whether the Equator be towards the Arctic or
towards the Antarctic pole, let him first find the number of
degrees of the sun’s declination on that day and subtract them
from the degrees of the sun’s altitude; if he subtract the re¬
mainder from 90° he will have the number of degrees of latitude
he is from the Equator in the direction of either tropic.
Item. If a man is situated between the sun and the Equator,
towards either pole, he must first take the sun’s declination for
the day from the table of declinations and add its degrees to
those of the sun’s altitude, then subtract from 90° and the
resulting number will give his distance in degrees of latitude
from the Equator towards either tropic ; but if the sum of the
degrees of altitude and the degrees of declination exceeds 90 °*,
then the 90° must be subtracted and the resulting sum will give
the degrees of latitude.
Item. If you are in a place where the Equator is between you
and the sun, whether towards one pole or the other, first find
in the tables of declination the degrees of the sun’s declination
for that day, then take the sun’s altitude, adding its degrees to
those of the declination and then subtract 90°. The result will
1 Cf. Martin Cortes, The Art of Navigation, chap. 2 (translated by R. Eden).
* A moment’s reflection will show that when the observer is between the
sun and the equator the sum of the sun’s noon altitude and declination must
always be more than 90°, so that Pacheco’s equation for this case should
read : latitude (north or south) equals declination plus altitude minus 90°.
3°
CALCULATION OF TIDES
give the degrees of latitude that you are distant from the Equator
towards either tropic.
He who would understand this work of ours must know the
months in which the sun moves from the Equator to the tropic
of Cancer and similarly to the tropic of Capricorn, as I have
said in chapter 9 ; for if he knows the time of the sun’s course
towards either region and its declinations and the differences of
the shadows it makes according to the month in which it is this
side or that side of the Equator, he will be able to understand
this work.
Chapter xi1
How to compute the ebb and flow of the sea in the greater
part of Spain and likeioise in other regions where there
are tides.
With very good reason we have based one part of our work on
the art of navigation, as we have pointed out at the end of the
Prologue to this book ; and since we must make use of it in all
our voyages by sea, we must briefly explain the calculation of the
moon’s course, by which we can know the ebb and flow of the
sea ; for those who know this calculation for the tides will be
able easily to learn them and will know why the mariners say
that in the greater part of this country of Spain they flow north¬
east and southwest. When these are known they will be able to
judge by them if the tides elsewhere flow northeast and south¬
west, as in Spain, or wherein they differ. Thus we shall be able
to know, wherever we are, either inland far from the sea or
coming from the deep sea in search of land to enter some river,
how the tide stands, judging by the phases of the moon and
considering how many days have elapsed from the time of the
conjunction and new moon to the day and hour for which we
require to know the tide ; with this knowledge our ships will be
able to enter safely rivers and other places for which it is
* Vide Introduction, pp. xxvi et seq.
CALCULATION OF TIDES
3*
necessary1 to know the state of the tide, without actually seeing
its ebb and flow.
Item. We must first note that the astronomers have affirmed
that from the time the moon is new and in conjunction with the
sun, which the common people call “antrelunho, ” to the time
when the conjunction and new moon recur, there is an interval
of 29 days, 12 hours and 33 minutes2; and in every 24 hours
(which is a natural day) after the conjunction, the moon draws
away from the sun four-fifths of an hour and continues in this
course during 14^ natural days, 16 minutes and one second?,
at the end of which time it is opposite the sun and full. It then
begins to hide itself gradually and to conceal from our sight the
light it receives from the sun, approaching the sun each natural
day after the time of its opposition and full moon four-fifths of
an hour again, until there is a fresh conjunction and a new
moon; and this is the monthly movement of the moon as
displayed before our eyes.
Item. There is a difference between the astronomers and the
mariners concerning the course of the moon, for the astronomers
say that during each natural day of twenty-four hours from the
time of the conjunction and new moon to the time when it is
full and in opposition to the sun, the moon draws away from
the sun four-fifths of an hour and then similarly approaches the
sun four-fifths of an hour daily until it is again in conjunction,
as we have already explained in the preceding paragraph in
this chapter; but the mariners affirm that the moon recedes from
and approaches the sun only three-quarters of an hour in each
natural day, which is equivalent to a quarter point on the
compass. Accordingly there is a difference between them of a
twentieth of an hour ; and although the astronomers may be right
in this matter and the mariners wrong, the difference of three
minutes is so slight that it makes no difference, introducing
* The text is corrupt at this point.
1 M. Cortes (op. or.) gives 29 days 12 hours 44 minutes, which is the more
usual figure, and correct to 3 seconds.
5 It is difficult to see how Pacheco arrived at this figure, for the “ oppo¬
sition" was usually regarded as occurring exactly half way through the lunar
cycle. The general reckoning was 14 days x8 hours 22 minutes after con¬
junction.
32
CALCULATION OF TIDES
neither difficulty nor palpable error into the calculation of the
tides of which we hope to treat. We will therefore follow the
opinion of the mariners, since the tides are more easily calculated
by the compass than in any other way, according to the ancient
practice of mariners.
Chapter xii
How it is necessary , in order to learn the tidey
to know how to read the compass.
He who wishes to learn to calculate the tides must first know all
the points of the compass with its quarter points and half points,
since this is the essential foundation of this matter and without
it there can be no certainty. The mariners and pilots who
practised this [art] of old first learned the points of the compass,
quarter points and half points, and deduced therefrom the
rhythm of the ebb and flow of the sea in the province of Spain
and in other regions according to the difference of the tides,
beginning from the Rio de Barbate in Andaluzia to Galiza1 and
the greater part of Bizcaya, calculating six hours ebb and six
hours flow as follows : northwest and southeast, low tide ; north
and south, half way to high tide ; northeast and southwest, high
tide ; east and west, half way to ebb. Now it must be understood
that when the moon is in the northwest and southeast the tide
will be low on the coast of Spain, and when it is in the northeast
and southwest the tide will be high along the whole of the coast
of Spain and along the coast of Berbery from the straits of
Cepta ; this is always so, whether the moon be new or half or full.
Item. The mariners say, what is indeed true, that from point
to point of the compass there is an interval of three hours, the
eight points making in all twenty-four hours or a natural day,
and that each quarter point represents three quarters of an hour
and each half point one hour and a half, and thus it [the day?
sun?] advances regularly through all its points, half points and
quarter points. When the moon is new and in conjunction with
1 I.e. the province of Galicia in northwest Spain.
CALCULATION OF TIDES
33
the sun, being in the southeast, the hour will be nine o’clock
and the tide will be low on the coast of Spain outside the straits;
for this reason the mariners say “ northwest and southeast, low
tide,” since when the moon is in the northwest, whether it be
new or in any other phase, there will be the same low tide. On
the same day when the sun passes, with the moon in conjunction,
to southeast by south the tide w'ill be one-eighth full ; when it
passes farther to the southsoutheast it will be a quarter full;
when it reaches south by east the tide will be three-eighths full.
When the sun, with the moon in conjunction, is in the south it
will be midday and the tide will be half full, and therefore the
mariners say “north and south, half-flow,” for when the moon
is in the north it makes the same tide ; when the sun and moon
together are south by west the tide will be five-eighths full, and
when they are southsouthwest the tide will be seven-eighths full,
and when the sun and the moon together reach the southwest
the tide will be high on the coast of Spain ; it will then be three
hours after noon. Therefore the mariners say “northeast and
southwest, full tide,” for the moon causes this same tide when it
is in the northeast no matter what its phase, either in conjunction
with the sun or away from it.
Item. When the sun and moon are in conjunction on the day
of the new moon, when they pass from the southwest to south¬
west by west the tide will have ebbed one-eighth, and when they
are at westsouthwest, a quarter; and when they are west by
south, three-eighths ; when they both reach the west it will be
half ebb (each quarter point representing one-eighth of the tide).
Therefore the mariners say “eastwest, half ebb,” for when the
moon is in the east it causes the same tide.
Item. When the sun and the moon in conjunction go from
the west to west by north the tide will have ebbed five-eighths ;
when they pass to westnorthwest it will have ebbed three-
quarters, at northwest by west it will have ebbed seven-eighths,
and when they reach the northwest it will be low tide. Therefore
the mariners say “northwest and southeast, low tide.”
Item. When the sun and moon in conjunction are at north¬
west by north the tide will be one-eighth full, and at north-
northwest a quarter; and at north by west three-eighths, on the
HK
3
CALCULATION OF TIDES
34
coast of Spain1 as we have already said ; therefore the mariners
say “northeast and southwest, full tide.”
Item. When the sun and moon, as we have mentioned above,
are in northeast by east, the tide will have ebbed one-eighth,
when they are in the eastnortheast, one-quarter ; when in east
by north, three-eighths, and when in the east, half ebb ; therefore
the mariners say “east and west, half ebb.”
Item. Because the moon in every twenty-four hours (or one
natural day) after its conjunction recedes from the sun one
quarter point of the compass if was fitting that we should explain
in the first section of this twelfth chapter why we began to
calculate the tides at nine o’clock in the morning when the sun
and moon were in conjunction in the southeast ; and now having
gone through all the points of die compass and explained about
the tides2, and twenty-four hours having passed since we began
this work, and the moon being three-quarters of an hour behind
the sun, it no longer makes the tide as on the previous day but
three-quarters of an hour later, which is one quarter point of
the compass. Because of this it is well that what we have
explained should be known and we will end in the southeast
where we began.
Item. When the sun and moon pass from the east to east by
south the tide will have ebbed five-eighths, and when they are
in the southeast seven-eighths^ ; and when the sun is southeast
by south and the moon southeast it will be low tide on the coast
of Spain outside the Straits. For this reason the mariners say
“northwest and southeast, low tide.” We have already said that
twenty-four hours after the conjunction of the sun with the
moon the tide is three-quarters of an hour later, and forty-eight
* There is a lacuna in the text at this point. Judging by the context the
original presumably contained the indications of the state of the tide when
the sun is in north, north by east, northnortheast, northeast by north and
northeast.
1 Text corrupt.
3 Pursuing Pacheco’s reasoning, if the tide has ebbed five-eighths when the
sun is cast by south, it will have ebbed three-quarters when it is eastsouth-
east and seven-eighths when it is southeast by east. Low tide, then, will
occur when the sun is again in the southeast. But, by hypothesis, low tide
should occur a quarter point later, i.e. when the sun is southeast by south.
Vide Introduction, pp. xxvii, xxviii.
ANCIENT COSMOGRAPHY
35
hours after the conjunction it is an hour and a half later, each
twenty-four hours representing one quarter point of the com¬
pass ; he who wishes to calculate the tide must therefore see in
what point of the compass the sun is and then count the number
of days which have passed since the conjunction, counting a
quarter point of the compass for each twenty-four hours up to
fifteen days or less, and according to the position of the moon
will be the tide ; that is to say, if it is in the southeast it will be
low tide and if in the southeast by south the tide will be one-
eighth full, and so on, as we have already explained. When this
mode of calculating the tides of Spain is known it will be
possible to infer whether the tides in other regions are the same
or different.
Chapter xiii
How the ancient cosmographers began their description of
the circumference of the globe from the mouth of the
Straits , which order we will follow.
At the mouth of the western Mediterranean, where it is said
that the columns of Hercules were placed, there are two pro¬
montories which excel in height and beauty all others in those
parts ; one of these is Abila at the beginning of Africa and the
other Calpe in Europe1, and here, properly speaking, is the
mouth of the western Gaditanian straits, the only access to the
Ocean according to some ancient writers. These promontories
are now called Serra da Ximeira1 and Monte de Gibaltar re¬
spectively; and from these the best cosmographers began their
description of the circumference of the earth. We will do the
same, limiting ourselves however to Africa and part of Asia, for
they described Europe at such length that it is unnecessary to
say any more about it. Although the ancient writers had much
learning (and we might profit a little from certain parts of their
1 Cf. Pliny, Natural History, book ill, Introduction.
1 I.e. Jebcl Must.
3-a
CEUTA
36
excellent works) yet because the navigation of Menelaus1 the
Carthaginian from Calez2 past Ethiopia of Guinea to the
Arabian Gulf and of Eudoxus from the same place to Calez had
been lost sight of, we can make use of nothing in the books of
the ancient cosmographers for this navigation ; wTe must rely on
the discoveries which at great toil and expense the aforesaid
princes ordered to be made and on that which your Highness
has discovered and recently learned. But because those who
wrote of the world lacked both the practical knowledge and the
foundations of the art of seamanship, which is so necessary for
this matter that without it we can do or discover nothing by
sea (but they in their cosmography omitted it, either because
they did not know it, or did not think it essential), and because
the light of the discovery of the circumference of the globe lies
principally in this art of seamanship and in the routes and ways
of the coast, it is well that wre should set forth and explain that
which the ancient and modem writers alike omitted, for the
knowledge and fulfilment of this navigation of the Ethiopias of
Guinea and of India and other parts ; so that if time destroys
the memory of this navigation, it can soon be recovered and
reconstructed from what is here set down. Therefore, as a
foundation for our work we will begin from the promontories
of Ximeira and Monte de Gibaltar, following the order of the
ancient writers, and we will describe the whole of the coast
thither to the said Ethiopia and India, using the proper names
and winds that mariners meet with and use, since it cannot be
avoided. Ponta d’Almina is the actual part of Ximeira which
the ancient writers called Abila*. Here is situated the great and
excellent city of Cepta4, of which we give a drawing painted from
sight, as also of Monte de Gibaltar, which marks the beginning
of our western Straits; in the time of its prosperity Cepta
excelled in greatness and wealth all the other cities of Maure-
tanya and Tingitania and also some of those of Spain. This is
where the lands of Africa, which abound in corn, wine, fruits,
1 Pacheco obviously means Hanno — cf. Prologue, p. i.
* I.e. Cadiz.
5 It is more usual to equate the northern extremity of Jcbcl Musa, i.e.
Leona Point, with Abila.
4 I.e. Ceuta.
EL-QSAR ES SGIR
37
meat and many kinds of fish and in many other things worthy
of much praise, begin, and it is 35$° north of the Equator, the
same number of degrees as the pole star is above the horizon1 * *.
When the wind is in the east ships can shelter in Almina on the
western side, where there is a shore which is called “ O Porto
d’el ReyV* They can anchor in twenty fathoms, half a league
from land on a clean bottom; when the wind is in the west
they can ride at anchor to the east behind Almina on an equally
clean bottom. Aqui mapcO>.
Item. Since we have spoken of the two fair promontories,
Abila in Africa and Calpe in Europe, it is reasonable that we
should now speak of the great city of Cepta in Africa, situated
five leagues from the town of Alcacere Ciguer4, which is outside
the strait by the sea. All the country round Alcacere is wild and
mountainous, and there are two high mountains rising from the
sea ; the one on the left to the east has an old half-ruined castle
called Old Alcacere5 ; the other mountain to the west is called
Sermil6 7. For greater clearness we here show Alcacere, with part
of its environs, drawn from sight. The land is very rich and
abounds in all the necessities of life. On another page we will
speak of the very ancient and fortified city of Tanger7. Any ship
having to anchor at Alcacere should look out [for the place] in
the bay where we have painted a caravel ; if it is a small ship it
may anchor there and if a large one a little farther out.
Aqui rnapa.
1 Literally “the circle of the hemisphere.” Actually Ceuta is 35° 56' N.
* I.e. Ensenada de la Almadraba; vide Mediterranean Pilot, vol. I, p. 138
(4th edition).
5 Judging from the various contexts in which this phrase occurs, it may
be construed to signify cither sketch-map, chart or painting. Needless to say
the words were inserted by the copyists to indicate the position of the
“ mapas " in the original manuscript. Vide Introduction, p. xxx.
4 I.e. El-Qsar es Sgir.
5 Cf. Mediterranean Pilot, vol. 1, p. 101 (4th edition).
4 Mt San Simonito? Vide Mediterranean Pilot, vol. I, p. 10 1 (4th edition).
7 I.e. Tangier.
3»
Chapter xiv
Concerning the routes , distinguishing features , soundings ,
and the degrees of the Pole Star above the horizon in
going towards Guinea and India from T anger.
As things worthy of remembrance ought not to be forgotten,
it is fitting that we should record what we know of the very
strong and ancient city of Tanger, which is five leagues from
Alcacere outside the straits. In ancient times it was called Tingi,
as Pliny says in the first chapter of the fifth book of his Natural
History ; this name many years later was changed to that of
Tanger. We have placed here a picture of the city and of Cabo
d ’Espartel drawn from sight. In latitude Tanger is 3 50 15' north
of the Equator1. Pomponius Mela, a very ancient writer, in the
first book of his cosmography* says that Tingi was built by the
giant Anteus who fought with Hercules, and that on the outer
wall hung a very large shield covered with elephant skin ; it was
too large to be used, but the inhabitants of this land believed
that it was carried by Anteus in battle.
Item. Two leagues beyond Tanger is the promontory of
Espartel, so that from Cepta to Espartel is twelve leagues ; Ponta
d’Almina lies ENE and WSW with respect to Espartel, and he
who makes this voyage should keep two and a half leagues to
the seaward of Espartel. At this point the tide flows during nine
hours towards the Straits and ebbs for three hours, differing
from the tides of which we spoke above3. The whole of the
country along the coast from Cepta consists of very high moun¬
tains ending in Espartel, and the shore along this coast is so deep
that ships can only anchor very close to the land. To the SSE
of Espartel there is a very good anchorage, with protection from
the east [wind], where one can anchor in fifteen, twenty, twenty-
five and even thirty fathoms, and everywhere the bottom is clean
* Actually 35° 49' N.
* De Situ Otitis, book I, chap. 5.
3 Vide supra, chap. 12.
ARZILA
39
and sandy1. In a bay near this cape a tunny fishery has been
established, in which many boats have taken part; this land is
very fertile in everything and has many other fisheries besides
that of tunnies which we have mentioned. Aqui mapa.
Item. Between Cabo d’Espartel and Recife d’Arzila, which,
according to Pliny in the first chapter of the fifth book of his
Natural History, was formerly called Liza*, the coast runs north
and south and occupies five leagues of the route. The country
from Espartel along the sea is all low lying and has a clean
bottom and* . . . hidden rocks, so that it is everywhere possible to
anchor with security. Arzila is 350 50' north of the Equator4.
The Recife d’Arzila should not be entered without a pilot or
without making use of the marks which are set up in that neigh¬
bourhoods, to wit: two masts fixed in the ground within the
channel by which ships should enter. For greater clearness we
here showT the city of Arzila with its reef, painted from sight, and
in the painting a caravel is sailing to show the right entrance.
Within the reef small ships up to thirty-five tons can anchor, but
they should fasten their anchors [as a security] against the north¬
west wind, which blows obliquely and is accompanied by a great
swell which is dangerous to shipping. All these four places,
Cepta, Alcacere, Tanger and Arzila, belong to this kingdom of
Portugal, and to its royal crown, for it is now about ninety years
since Cepta was captured by force of arms from the Moors by
King John I of glorious memory, your greatgrandfather; the
other three were taken by King Afonso V, your uncle, forty-seven
years ago6, for they waged fierce warfare against these enemies
of our holy catholic faith, which your Highness ever spreads and
increases by your many victories. Aqui mapa.
* I.e. Jeremias anchorage: “an open roadstead about 4 miles southward
of C. Spartel . . . much resorted to by vessels prevented from entering the
Strait3 of Gibraltar by strong easterly winds” ( Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 139,
9th edition).
* Lissa in Pliny.
* There is a lacuna in the text at this point. The context appears only to
require some such negative qualification as “without” or “free from.”
4 Actually 350 28' N. 5 Text slightly corrupt.
4 Ceuta was taken in 1415, El-Qsar es Sgir in 1458, Tangier and Arzila in
1471. Vide Introduction, pp. xvi, xvii.
4o
Chapter xv
Concerning the routes, distinguishing features, soundings
and tides and the elevations of the Arctic Pole at and
beyond Larache.
Item. If a ship leaves Arzila to go to Larache on a night so
dark that the land cannot be seen, it should stand out to sea a
good league from the reef [of Arzila] and steer SSW for three
leagues from Arzila, when it will double Ponta das Barrocas.
These Barrocas are lofty, white sea-cliffs; and all the country
between Arzila and Larache consists of low hills which terminate
in the aforesaid cliffs. Thence to the mouth of the Rio de
Larache1 is a distance of two leagues ; in our time the entrance
to this river is on the SW, very near a rock which has a rampart
with two small towers, close to the river at the foot of the town
of Larache. This is shown in the painting, made from sight,
which we have placed here. The channel of this river has four
and a half fathoms of water at high-tide, and the tide is northeast
and southwest with an ebb and flow of six hours each, as in our
Spain. This river can be recognised by the following landmarks :
to the SW is a castle known as the Castle of the Genoese2, so
white as to have the appearance of a ship’s sail; to the NE are
the Barrocas, high and white, as we have said, and in a bay there
is the mouth of the Rio dc Larache. Those who ascend this river
for the distance of one league will find on their left hand the
ruined city of Xamez*, which formerly was a great and wealthy
city. It is said that for forty years after the conquest of Spain
* I.e. Wad el Qua.
* In the Middle Ages this stretch of the Moroccan coast down to about
Sal6 was the outlet for the thickly populated kingdom of Fez. Genoese,
Pisan, Venetian and Catalan merchants came to buy the products brought
by caravans from the interior. The Genoese seem to have been the most
successful traders. As early as c. a.d. iioo we hear of the republic of Genoa
entering into a commercial treaty with the reigning monarch Abu-Yakub.
Later Pisans, Catalonians, Aragonese entered into rivalry with the Genoese,
but abandoned the contest ultimately. The castle referred to by Pacheco was
presumably one of their fortified factories.
3 Epiphanio Dias ( Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis, cdif§o critica annotada, p. 52)
is of die opinion that this town occupied the site of Pliny's Lixos — i.e. the
modern Tchemmich.
WADI SBU
41
by the Moors it held out against the Moors and was finally
destroyed by them, as being a Christian city. A league seawards
from the mouth of this river is a clean sandy bottom of twenty-
five fathoms, affording safe anchorage for shipping; there is also
good fishing in this river, and the surrounding country produces
much com, but in summer fever is rife. The latitude of the place
is 36° io' north of the Equator1. Aqui mapa.
Item. From the Rio de Larache to Halagunas2 3 is five leagues,
and these lagoons have an inlet within which there is a lake which
only small vessels can enter ; above it to the east is a round clump
of cork-trees, which is the landmark for these lagoons. Five
leagues beyond them is a fairly high hill called Fornilho*.
Item. Five leagues beyond Fomilho is the Rio da Mamora4.
From Larache thither this coast lies N by E and S by W; those
who make this voyage should keep very close to land and, if it
is night, must steer SSW in order to navigate it safely. This
Rio da Mamora has, on its south side, a very high dark grey
cliff*, and within the entrance of the river to the east there is a
thicket running all along another cliff. At the present time this
river has two entrances ; one of them lies northeast and south¬
west along a headland of sand, which as one enters should remain
on one’s right, three or four stones ’-throws away; the other lies
east and west along a dark grey-coloured cliff and has a depth
of four and a half fathoms at high tide. The tide flows northeast
and southwest, six hours ebb and six hours flow ; small ships of
thirty tons can go up this river six or seven leagues, but large
vessels must remain lower down near its mouth. A league within
the mouth of this river is an island with a plentiful supply of
wood. Both this river and that of Larache are in summer time
very rife with fever. At the mouth of this river, and also farther
along, is a clean anchorage of thirty fathoms where ships may
anchor safely, but they must guard against the northwest wind,
1 Actually 35® 12' N.
* These lagoons are in the vicinity of Old Mamora: vide Africa Pilot,
Part I, p. 141.
3 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 142.
4 I.e. Wadi Sbu.
* It is some 456 ft. high and constitutes the landmark for the town of
Mehediya: vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 142.
SALJ;
42
which blows obliquely to the shore. Small vessels can ascend
this river to the city of Feez in winter1 *. The country along this
river is flat and supports many flocks and many orange groves.
Item. The Rio da Mamora and the river and town of £ale3
(of which we here give a painting from sight) lie northeast and
southwest and occupy seven leagues of the route. This Rio de
£ate can be entered from the ESE side alongside a tower and it
has a depth in its channel of a good two and a half fathoms at
high tide, the tide flowing northeast and southwest ; to the south
it has another channel, and between these two channels stretches
a very long line of reefs with sandbanks here and there on which
the sea breaks with force. The landmark of this river is the very
large and lofty tower of (pal#, shaped as it is here painted ; there
is not another tower like it on all this coast. The city of (pate is
also large, but thinly peopled. The sea by this river affords clean
good anchorage, and at a depth of fifty fathoms one is ten leagues
from the shore. In (pale there are three villages4 5 — we show two
of them in our drawing; they are situated on the said river, one
of them being towards Themicinaa, where the Arabs of Enxouvia
dwell, and this village is called Arravalde; the other is called
Exale, which was formerly the burial place of the Kings of Feez,
their other burial place being in Hell. From Mamora (where
the other river — called Cebvi* — which comes down from Feez
1 The Wadi Sbu doe* not flow within 5 miles of Fez and is not navigable
even for the smallest craft for more than 90 miles upstream. (Fez is approxi¬
mately 250 miles from its mouth.)
* I.e. Wadi Bu Regreg and Sali (with which Rabat is incorporated).
5 I.e. Hassan Tower, situated at the eastern end of that town and built by
the Emir, Yakub el Mansur. Leo Africanus has the following reference to it :
“ So exceeding is the height thereof, that I think there is no where the like
building to be found :. . .from the top they [can] descry ships a huge way into
the sea...” ( History and Description of Africa, book ill, p. 401, Hakluyt
Society). The tower still stands 180 ft. high after all these centuries.
4 On the north bank of the Wadi Bu Regreg was the town of old Sali (or
Sali, Sella, Sallee). This was the great mediaeval trading port of Morocco
(vide Leo Africanus, op. cit. book in, p. 407). On the south bank and im¬
mediately opposite Sali was Rabat (Rebat in Leo Africanus), built by Yakub
el Mansur in a.d. 1190. Also on the south bank, but “two miles from the
ocean sea and a mile from Rebat” (Leo, op. cit. p. 403) stood the third of
Pacheco’s " villages,” Sheila (Sella in Leo), the “Sala Colonia” of the
Romans. It was here that el Mansur and many other Almohades and Merin-
ides were buried.
5 I.e. Wadi Sbu.
FDALA
43
debouches) it is five leagues to the town of Qa\6. All these three
places are called by the one name £ate. Ten leagues from there
is a small river called Tifil Felti1 ; eight leagues still further on
is another river called Bety\ and from Bety to the city of Feez
is seven leagues. So that from <pal6 to Feez is twenty-five leagues,
and all this country abounds in com, meat, fish, honey and many
other good things. There are also very good horses, which are
frequently brought to these kingdoms*. Aqui mapa.
Chapter xvi
Concerning the routes , landmarks , soundings , tides and
elevations of the pole star from Almancora and Fedala and
the country towards Guinea and India.
Item. The Rio de £ald and town of Almancora lie NNE and
SSW and occupy seven leagues of the route. It is said that this
castle of Almancora4 was depopulated and destroyed by lions, for
they devoured so many of its inhabitants that the few who were
left fled and went to live elsewhere. From Almancora to the
islands of Fedala* is about a league, and the landmark of Fedala
is two islets where small vessels up to eighty tons can anchor in
four and five fathoms. The bottom is sandy and clean and the
anchorage good, but those who stop here should make their
anchors secure, because of the strong surge at this point. To any
one making for this land from the sea these islands will not
appear to be islands, but when approaching them from the NE,
' I.e. Wadi Telfil: cf. Leo, op. at. p. 412.
* Marmol speaks of two rivers with similar names, Beht and Bchet. They
rose in the Atlas Mountains. Vide Harris’s Collection of Voyages and Travels,
vol. I, p. 314.
5 l.e. Portugal and Algarve. “ These kingdoms M is the expression habitually
used by Pacheco when speaking of his own country.
4 The site is now occupied by the small town of Mansuria.
5 I.e. Cape Fdala — ‘‘a projection formed by a chain of rocks, 16' to 50'
high _ The summit of the Cape is a little conical hill at the north extreme.
From a distance the Cape has the appearance of an island” ( Africa Pilot,
Part I, p. 147).
44
anaf£
one league off, they will be seen to be so. All this coast is a
beach, and for clearer understanding we have set here a painting
from sight of the town of Almancora (with a tree which serves as
a landmark) and of the islands of Fedala. Aqui rnapa.
Item. The town of Almancora and the islands of Fedala lie
with respect to the bay of the city of Anifee1 NE and SW, and
occupy five leagues of the route; and all this stretch of coast
consists of rocky cliffs, there being little beach, and has a dirty*
bottom. The landmark of the city of Anifee, which is drawn here
from sight, is a great bay with a reef of rock close to the land ;
the reef has a narrow entrance on its NE side but on its SW side
there is no entrance. Apart from this landmark the place can
easily be recognised by the city itself with its great tower and
by the country [inland], which is very flat and abounds in all
necessary products. It is now some thirty-eight years1 since the
excellent Prince Fernando your father with a great fleet and army
went in person against this city and entered it by force of arms
and destroyed it and returned to these kingdoms with great
honour and victory ; this fall of Anifee came after another serious
defeat received one hundred and sixty-five years ago*, when all
the principal people of the city of Anifee were killed in the battle
of Salado, which was fought between Gibaltar and Tarifa at a
place called Pena do Cervo4. In this battle the excellent prince
and magnanimous knight King Afonso IV of these kingdoms of
Portugal, your great-great-great-grandfather, who lies buried in
the cathedral of Lisbon, took part. He went to the assistance of
his son-in-law, King Afonso XI of Castille, with a large army
from these kingdoms when seven Moorish kings had invaded
the realm of Castille in very great force and were taking his land
from him. This most serene Prince helped the King of Castille
to defend himself, for he was unable to hold his own against such
a big enemy force. How great a service this most fortunate King
rendered to God and what honour he won in this battle in the
defence of His holy name and of the realm of Castille may be
1 I.e. Casablanca Bay ( vide Africa Pilot, p. 148). The town of that name
now occupies the site of Anaf6.
1 The destruction of Anaf6 by Fernando took place in A.D. 1468.
3 The battle of Salado was fought in October a.d. 1340.
4 I.e. Pefla del Ciervo, 2 leagues from Tarifa.
AZIMUR
45
read in his Chronicle. In this battle perished all the noble and
honourable men of Anifee, as we have stated, and to this day
the city has never recovered its prosperity. We could say many
things of the former grandeur and prosperity of Anifee, but we
would not be prolix.
Item. Leaving the bay of Anifee in the direction of the SW
there is close by a cape called Cabo do Camelo1 ; from here to
Fuma d’Acicor1 is ten leagues, and all this coast is beach with
a clean bottom, so it is possible to anchor securely at any point
along it. This Fuma d’Acicor has above it three hills of sand in
the shape of pointed paps* and also a fairly tall wood. To the
NE of this cove and 4 league seawards there is a reef of rock on
which the sea breaks; these are the landmarks of the Furna
d’Acicor. The coast here lies NE and SW. Aqui mapa.
Chapter xvii
Concerning the routes , landmarks , soundings , tides and
elevations of the pole star from Anifee to Azamor and
beyond.
Item. From the Fuma d’Acicor, of which we have spoken
above, to the river and town of Azamor4 are two leagues, and
this coast lies NE and SW ; opposite this river a league out to
sea the bottom is all clean, being sand and mud, with 35 and
40 fathoms, and it is clean also at twelve and thirteen fathoms,
but nearer to the land it is all dirty, with stone and rock which
cut the hawsers. On the first sandbank of this river, a good
league outside its mouth, there are at least four fathoms of water
* I.e Table d’Aukasha.
* I.e. Azimur Point. The Scossor of the portolan charts?
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 15 j.
« I.e. Wadi Umm er Rbi’a, on the left bank of which is situated the town
of Azimur.
KINGDOM OF. FEZ
46
at high tide1 . . . , there are two and a half fathoms of water. The
sea does not break on this shoal, because there is a bank farther
out which breaks it ; passing within this latter sandbank close to
the town of Azamor there are five to six fathoms of water.
At the present time the channel of this river lies NW and SE and
only accommodates small vessels. The tide flows NE and SW.
Since the bar and channel of this river often change, the pilot
who would enter it should take soundings at the bar or should
take a local pilot in order to enter safely. The landmark of this
river is that two leagues to the NE is the cape and cove of
Acicor, which we mentioned in a former paragraph ; he who sails
a league beyond this cape in the direction of this river will reach
the town of Azamor. Here there is marvellous shad fishing, the
fish being very large and good ; they pay tribute with these to
your Highness*. This town of Azamor and its neighbourhood
produces a great abundance of corn, meat, fish and many other
products ; and to this town extends the first part of the kingdom
of Feez. And now since we have said something of the places
along the coast, it is fitting that we should tell where it begins
and speak of some of the cities and towns of the interior and of
the second part of the kingdom.
We will now speak of the kingdom of Feez. It begins at
river called Meluya3, which divides it from the kingdom of
Tremecem, and which lies ten leagues beyond Cabo d’Antre-
fulcos4; from here to the mouth of the straits of Cepta is fifty
leagues. Five leagues to the west of the Rio de Meluya is
situated the town of Melilla5, which is on the frontier between
Feez and Tremecem. Seven leagues west of Melilla is the town
of Ca9a9a6, and twelve leagues west again is a town called Belez
da Guomeira7. Thirty' leagues beyond is situated the great city
* There is a lacuna in the text at this point. The context seems to require
only the insertion of the words “on the second sandbank ” to complete the
sense.
* The town of Azimur was tributary to Portugal from 1468 to 1542.
) I.e. River Muluya which forms part of the present-day boundary between
Algeria and Morocco (cf. Leo Africanus, op. cit. book ix, p. 931).
4 I.e. Cap des Trois Fourches.
5 Called Millela in the portolan charts, e.g. Vesconte and Catalan Atlas.
* The ChAsasa of Leo Africanus, vide History of Africa, book in, p. 534.
7 The Bedis of Leo (op. cit. p. 517).
KINGDOM OF FEZ
47
of Cepta; thence extends the whole coast of Cepta outside the
Straits, with its rivers, bays, harbours, cities and towns as far
as Azamor, as we have seen. In the interior is the great city of
Feez, from which the kingdom derived its name; eight leagues
beyond Feez is situated the city of Maquinez1; farther on is
another very good city called Teza3. This constitutes the first
part of the kingdom of Feez ; we will now proceed to describe
the second part and will follow the order of the coast from the
Rio d’Azamor onwards.
The second part of the kingdom of Feez3 begins at the Rio
d’Azamor, whence to the bay of Mazaguam is two leagues; this
bay and the river lie NE and SW and occupy two leagues on
the route. Here formerly was the city of Mazaguam, now totally
destroyed4 ; this bay which is drawn here from sight affords good
anchorage for large ships, but he who would anchor here* should
strengthen his cables, for the bottom is foul and, in places, there
are rocks which cut the cables. It is here that the plains of
Duquella6, extending for nearly forty leagues, begin ; the country
is very rich in corn and meat. In this bay of Mazaguam many
ships of these realms and of Castille take in a cargo of wheat
when for our sins God gives us none. These plains are peopled
by a race of Moors called Xarquya?, who, it is said, number more
than 40,000 horsemen but are all unarmed.
* The Mecnase of Leo (op. cit. p. 412), otherwise called Mekenes, Me-
quenez, Meknes. It was one of the three capitals of Morocco. In Pacheco’s
day the people of Mequenez were under the subjection of the King of Fez.
Actually it is not beyond Fez, but to the seaward of it.
* The modem Tazza (or Tese) and not the Tefza of Leo and Marmol.
} Cf. Leo, lot. cit. book 1, p. 125 and book n, p. 283. At the time when
Pacheco wrote the Empire of Morocco was in a state of political disintegra¬
tion. The kingdom of Fez, ruled by Mulat Said, was the effective power in
the whole of the western Atlas region. In fact during the second decade of
the sixteenth century the “king” of Morocco was a relation and vassal of the
king of Fez. This state of affairs would account for Pacheco's extended
application of the phrase “kingdom of Fez.” Vide infra, pp. 56-7.
4 From this it seems that Pacheco was writing before 1506, for in that
year the Portuguese built a fortified town on the site of the ruins.
5 Text slightly corrupt.
6 The Duccala of Leo Africanus (op. cit. book II, p. 283). Cereals still
figure among the list of exports from this region, barley, wheat and maize
being the most important.
7 Cf. Leo, op. cit. book ct, p. 990.
TIT
48
Item. The bay of Mazaguam and the town of Tyty1 lie NE
by E and SW by W and occupy two leagues of the route. About
a half league or a little more before reaching Tyty is a bay of
fair size, with room for ten or twelve small vessels and with a
small ruined tower behind it. Tyty is distinguishable by a very
high tower2, and also by a small bay into which ships can sail
in calm weather; however they should guard against the NW
wind which blows across the bay and makes the sea very rough.
Formerly this town of Tyty had a large population, but now it
has only a fourth part of its former population ; the country is
very rich in com, meat and fish. Aqui mapa.
Chapter xviii
Concerning the routes , soundings , landmarks and elevations
of the pole star from Tyty to the country beyond , forming
the second part of the kingdom of Feez.
Item. The town of Tyty and Casa do Cavaleiro3 lie ENE
and WSW and are seven leagues apart. This Casa do Cavaleiro
appears above4 in the sketch, which was drawn from sight. For
landmark it has a large house on the top of a plateau, and on the
shore there is a great reef which can be entered on the NE side
near a small island. Inside there is a cove in which ships of
eighty tons burden can ride at anchor, but they should have four
hawsers (two at the prow and two at the stem) on account of
the heavy ground swell; there is a clean bottom of seven and
eight fathoms. At this Casa do Cavaleiro there is much wheat
and barley and many ships take in a cargo of it; there is likewise
* Probably the Teturit of the Catalan maps. Leo speaks of it as Tit {vide
History of Africa, book 11, p. 288).
* “The ruins of Tit, situated about 3 miles NE of C. Blanco, consist
mostly of the remains of a number of square towers ” {Africa Pilot, Part I,
P- *53)-
3 El Waladieh? Vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 153.
4 From the context it would seem that there is a slight “ lapsus ” here, and
that Pacheco wishes actually to refer to the "mapa” below.
CAPE KANTIM
49
an abundance of meat and game. Out at sea in fifty and sixty
fathoms there is good pixotas1 fishing, as well as many other
kinds of fish ; those who go there, however, should beware of the
Arabs and take hostages, for they are very evil-disposed people.
Aqui mapa.
This is the Casa do Cavaleiro, which the Moors in their
language call Ugueer\ and to facilitate its identification we have
given a painting of it here. The Casa do Cavaleiro and Cabo
de Cantim lie east and west and occupy seven leagues of the route.
He who sails for this cape should guard against a rocky shoal
beneath the water at a little over half a league to the NW ; this
shoal is very dangerous and many ships have been lost there,
and when the sea flows in it breaks on it. The landmarks of this
Cabo de Cantim are that on its northern side the land projects
above it in the shape of a hat, that at this point the coast turns
south, and that its latitude is 33^° north of the Equator3 ; these
three facts serve as distinguishing features. He who leaves Cabo
d’Espartelor Arzilatogoto Cantim ought, on getting three leagues
out to sea, to maintain a southwesterly course ; by doing so he
will keep outside the bay, for Cantim and Espartel lie NE and
SW and occupy eighty-two leagues of the route. He who wishes
to come in and anchor at the Casa do Cavaleiro should study
this drawing, which shows the passage between the mainland
and the islands. He should anchor inside [the reef] in eight
fathoms4, using four hawsers, two from the prow and two from
the stem. Aqui mapa.
Item. The above-mentioned Cabo de Cantim and Ponta do
Canaveal5 lie N by W and S by E and occupy five leagues of
the route; at Ponta do Canaveal is a very good spring and its
landmark is a high hill behind it. Ships often take in water
there ; but he who lands there should set a man to keep watch,
for the Arabs when they see a Christian endeavour to kill him.
1 Literally ** little fish."
a The Benimegher Mountain of Leo Africanus? His description runs as
follows: “Benimegher is distant from Azafi about 12 miles. . .this mountain
is so exceedingly fruitful for oil and com that a man would scarce believe it ”
(History of Africa, book n, p. 295). J Cape Kantim is actually 320 33' N.
* There is a lacuna here which cannot be filled with certainty. However, it
does not appear to spoil the sense. 5 I.e. Cape Safi.
HK
4
SAFI
5°
A little more than half a league beyond Ponta do Canaveal is the
city of Qafy1, which pays tribute to your Highness, and which is
here portrayed. It is situated near the sea and all round about the
coast is beach and inhospitable. If a vessel anchors off here it must
beware of the west wind which blows across this harbour. This city
of £afy is rich in com, meat and fish and has many good horses,
which are obtained from the Arabs. Some of them are brought to
these realms. Here also we find gold1, which the Arabs bring by
land from Guinea, hides of all kinds in abundance, honey and
wax, as well as other merchandise, on which a good profit is made.
Thirty leagues beyond the city of £afy inland is the great
city of Marrocos3 with its twenty-four gates. In the days of its
prosperity, so it is said, a thousand horsemen with their captain
would go out by each gate. When the Moors conquered Spain
in the year of Our Lord 719, they took from Sevilha and its
churches ninety large bells, which to-day are kept in the tower
of the principal mosque ; they have no clappers but are preserved
as a memorial. Eight of the gates are lined with bronze ; these
also came from Sevilha. Although this city is still very big and
populous and one of the chief places of Africa, to-day it does not
possess a thirtieth part of its former population, for most of its
best men fell in the battle of Salado with those of Anifee, as we
stated above. We have read that St Augustine4 was a native of
* I.e. Safi (alternatively Saffee, Sefi, Saffi, Asafi, Azafi, Asafie, etc.). The
Portuguese captured Safi in r5o8 (vide E. Prestage, Portuguese Pioneers,
p. r79), which hardly agrees with Pacheco’s statement that it was paying
tribute to the Portuguese at the time of his writing — presumably a.d. 1505-6.
Leo African us (op. cit. book II, p. 288) says, however, that the Portuguese
conquered the town “in the year of Hegira, 920” — i.e. in 920 plus 485(6)
which is a.d. 1505-6. For a detailed history of Safi vide R. Brown’s note on
pp. 367 et seq. of vol. II of Leo Africanus’s History of Africa (Hakluyt Society).
* Cadamosto confirms this, for he tells us that the gold of Melli was
carried northwards along three different routes, one of which led from
Timbuktu via Hoden (Pacheco’s Audcm) to Oran, Ona, Fez, Morocco,
Arzila, Azafi and Messa (vide C. Schefer’s edition of Cadamosto' s Voyages,
p. 63). * I.e. Morocco or Marrakesh.
4 Pacheco is confusing St Augustine with the patron saint of Morocco.
St Augustine was a native of Tagaste, a town in Numidia, and was bom in
a.d. 354. Marrakesh was only founded in a.d. 1062. There was, however,
some excuse for Pacheco’s mistake, because in his day there was a monument
in the town of Aghmat (the capital of the Almoravides before the founding of
Marrakesh — lying to the south of that city) which the people affirmed to
cover the grave of St Augustine, whom they called St Belabech (vide
R. Brown, op. cit. p. 359).
WADI TENSIFT
51
this city and went thence to Italy, where he learnt Latin letters
and the Latin language and by the grace of the Holy Ghost
became a Christian.
Item. At twelve to fifteen leagues inland from Qafy towards
Marrocos and also off the road [to Marrocos] are the following
places : Almedina1, Alhamiz*, Bulanham5, Coeyta4 and Tedenez5,
which of old was great but is now uninhabited. Having said
this much, it now behoves us to keep to our purpose and return
to £afy and from there describe in order the other places along
the sea-coast. Aqui mapa.
Chapter xix
Concerning the routes , landmarks and degrees of elevation
of the pole star above the horizon from Qafy and other
places beyond.
Item. £afy and the Rio dos Savees6 lie N and S, and occupy
five leagues of the route. This river is very small, and only small
boats can enter it; we will not therefore speak of its tides nor
of its distance from the Equator. On the south side, acting as
a landmark, is a high mountain range running from E to W and
called the Ferrarias?; on the north side there is a single high
1 Literally "the city.” Every large town in Morocco has a "medinah”
section. It is probable, however, that this town is to be identified with Leo’s
Alemdin (vide History of Africa, book 11, pp. 299, 383-4)-
* A lost city? "All over the region of Morocco. . .are scattered ruins of
what seem to have been large towns or villages, the desertion or destruction
of which is attributed to famines and epidemics, or to the vengeance of
Sultans, powerful chiefs, and the ‘Rumc’ or Christians” (R. Brown, op. cit.
15 J^The Bulahuan of Leo and the Tabulawan of modem times. It is located
on the south side of the Umm-er Rbi’a not far from Meshra Bu el Avan (vide
R. Brown, op. cit. p. 377).
* Another lost city?
5 Leo speaks of a Tednest, but this town was not destroyed until 15x6.
6 I.e. Wadi Tenaift, vide Africa Pilot , Part I, p. 156.
1 I.e. Jebel Hadid or the Iron Mountains, which extend some 20 miles
behind the coast between Wadi Tcnsift and Hadid Point and attain an
elevation of c. 2300 ft.
4-2
MOGADOR
52
isolated mountain which comes down to the bank of the river
and the sea breaks against it. The entrance to this river is
between two rocks.
Item. The Rio dos Savees and the island of Moguador lie
ENE and WSW, and occupy seven leagues of the route; this
island is small, not larger than the Berlengas1. It has two
approaches, one on the NE and the other to the WSW, and
from the mainland to this island is a good arrow shot. On the
mainland and close to the sea there is plenty of fresh water
flowing into the sea. Of these two approaches to this island
harbour and anchorage the better is that on the NE, for the
other is dirty and rocky, but a ship of a hundred tons can enter
by the good approach ; however it should make itself fast with
anchor and hawser, the hawser being attached to the island. It
will find six or seven fathoms here and a safe, clean bottom ; but
all around for a distance of half a league the bottom is dirty and
rocky and any ship anchoring there will lose its anchor. This
island is of a fair height3 and on its northern coast it has a small
but very lofty islet which has a ravine in the centre, into which
the sea penetrates and upon which it breaks with a resounding
roar. In the year of Our Lord 15063 your Highness ordered a
castle to be built on the mainland in this town of Moguador
hard by the sea, called Castello Real. This was constructed and
commanded by Dieguo d’Azambuja, a knight of your household
and Commander of the Order of S. Bento da Comenda d ’Alter
Pedroso. He was greatly beset by the opposition and attacks of
the barbarians and Arabs, who united to fight with all their might
against the builders of the castle, but the castle was completed
notwithstanding and the glory of victory rested with your Sacred
Majesty. This and many other things that I might mention are
objects of admiration, as is the conquest of the Indies, still more
1 The archipelago of that name found off the west coast of Portugal in the
neighbourhood of Cape Carvoeiro.
1 Mogador Island is not more than 100 ft. high but it is surrounded on
almost all sides by islets that rise sharply from the water’s edge. None of
these, however, is “very lofty” — vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 156.
i This fort was erected by the Portuguese, not to hold the country but to
protect their traders who called in there, and to keep up communication
between Safi and Agadir. As Pacheco refers to the event in the past tense, it
would seem that he was now writing after a.d. 1506.
CAPES SIM AND GHIR 53
so because it is your Majesty who has done this and many other
excellent works.
Item. Castello Real and the island of Moguador lie N by E
and S by W with respect to Cabo do Seem1 and occupy five
leagues of the route; from Moguador to this Cabo do Seem
there are only rocky shoals, and although you can circumvent
these shoals by going S by W, for greater safety you should sail
SSW, and especially when navigating at night. This Cabo do
Seem is narrow and low, and provides anchorage with shelter
from the E to the NW on its south side ; here in seven and eight
fathoms, a gunshot from land, it is possible to drop anchor on
to a clean bottom, but a large ship should anchor farther out
to sea.
Item. Cabo do Seem and Tafetana* lie N and S and occupy
three leagues of the route. Tafetana is a very large cliff of rock
as high as Cabo de Sam Vincente, jutting into the sea. Behind
it is a small creek which can give anchorage to fifteen or twenty
vessels of sixty tons; he who enters this harbour should sail
close to this cliff for at a distance of two stones’ throws is a
dangerous shoal where the sea breaks, but inside it ships can
find very good clean anchorage — opposite a mosque — in seven
fathoms. Thence by going two leagues in a N-S direction
they will find another bay called Zebiliquy*, in which twelve or
thirteen ships of sixty tons can anchor. There are six or seven
fathoms of water here ; moorings should be made with anchor
and hawser. This bay is sheltered from NW to SE and its land¬
mark is a white road which descends a very steep hill to the sea.
Item. The bay of Zebiliquy and Cabo de Guer4 lie NE by N
and SW by S, and occupy eight leagues of the route. The signs
by which you may identify this cape are a very high plateau like
a table projecting over it, and the fact that the coast along it lies
ESE and WNW. However, if a vessel wishes to sail from Cabo
de Cantim to Cabo de Guer it ought to proceed SW by S for
20 leagues, that is to say as far as the island of Moguador, which
' I.e. Cape Sim, 310 24' N.
* I.e. Cape Tafelneh, the Tefethne of Leo Africanua: vide History of
Africa, book II, p. 243.
s Imsouan Bay?
4 I.e. Cape Ghir.
54
CAPE GHIR
will then be 5 leagues to the ESE ; by sailing south for 24 leagues
from here, it will arrive at Cabo de Guer. This is the exact
route for those leaving Cantim for the said Cabo de Guer: in
this way they will sail safely across the bay. Cabo de Guer is
310 25' north of the Equator1. Behind the cape the coast follows
an eastwest direction, and the whole of the country behind the
cape is very mountainous: the mountains5 are visible behind the
cape from the open sea as one is approaching it, and also from
inside it. There are three landmarks by which the cape may be
readily recognised : the country we have described, the flat land
which projects over the front of the cape in the shape of a table,
and thirdly the fact that the coast trends in an east and west
direction at this point. In addition to this there is the latitude
of the place. He who is six leagues out to sea from Cabo de Guer
will, in good weather, see the peaks of the Clear Mountains*:
these are so lofty that they seem to touch the clouds. In this
mountain-range is a very pointed peak which is lower than the
others and which has on it a castle called Palma4. In this same
range 2 leagues farther on from this castle is another one called
Turucuco; 3 leagues beyond is another castle called Tucurumu ;
and 1 league farther on again is another castle called Taramate.
Along this coast for 4 leagues to the SW5, there is good clean
anchorage for ships at whatever number of fathoms they may
wish. Here, too, there is an abundance of pixotas and many other
kinds of fish. He who would anchor off Tamarate [rtc] should
come in close to land and make fast in 7 to 12 fathoms, for here,
as well as further in, he will find a clean bottom and be able to
moor in safety. Further out all the bottom is dirty as far as
Auguoa de Narbaa.
* Actually 30° 35' N.
1 These are the heights of Idantenan, which form the western extremity of
the Atlas Mountains and attain an elevation of more than 4000 ft.
} I.e. the Atlas Mountains, vide chap. xxi.
4 In this part of the Atlas country castles or " ksars ” (i.e. fortified villages)
are very numerous. Leo African us speaks of three in the province of Cheneg
(i.e. Southern Morocco) and it is possible that they are to be identified with
those mentioned by Pacheco, although only one is named, vi2. Tammaracrost
(i.e. Tamarate?). Vide History of Africa, book VI, p. 781.
5 Southeast? Vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 160.
55
Chapter xx
Concerning the routes , landmarks and latitudes
of places beyond Cabo de Gtier.
Item. Cabo de Guer and Auguoa de Narbaa1 lie ESE and
WNW and occupy ten leagues of the route. The landmark of
Angra [sic] de Narbaa is a lofty hill behind it with some huts
on top. Below on the shore is the castle of Santa Cruz*, com¬
manding the said bay, in which any large ship can find clean
good anchorage at whatever depth it requires. It is a notable
thing that your Highness should have ordered the construction
of this fortress by Joham Lopez de Sequeira in a land of
barbarians, enemies of our holy catholic faith, who came in
countless multitudes to oppose its construction, and that the
enterprise was directed and carried out by force of arms from
the other side of the sea, 50 leagues from your Highness’ realms,
the opposition notwithstanding, according to your good and holy
purpose. This fortress is situated by the sea, and it is easily
recognised, because all the other castles in the vicinity of Cabo
de Guer are on the mountains, while this castle, as we have said,
is by the sea. This country is rich in com, meat, fish, honey, wax,
hides, and many other commodities which yield good profit.
There is also gold, which the Moors bring from Guinea overland.
For greater clearness we here give a painting of this fortress of
Santa Cruz.
Item. The castle of Santa Cruz in the Auguoa de Narbaa
1 I.e. Agadir Bay.
1 I.e. Agadir. Leo African us calls it Gartguessem, probably the name of
the native village (vide History of Africa, book u, p. 253) before the Portu¬
guese began to establish a foothold there towards the end of the fifteenth
century. Santa Cruz did not long remain in their hands, however, for in 1536
the Sheriff Mulai Mohammed el Arrani, aided by a Genoese renegade,
besieged it with an army of, it is said, 50,000 men and, after a stout defence
by the garrison, captured it by mining the walls with gunpowder. After this
the place, under the name of Agadir, remained in the Sultan’s hands and for
many years was the entrep6t of an extensive trade with Timbuktu and the
Sudan, the port being the best in Morocco and the natural outlet for the rich
province of Sus.
MESA
56
and the Rio de Meca1 * lie NW and SE and occupy eight leagues
of the route. There is a clean bottom as far as Tefinete3 4, which
is five leagues from the Auguoa de Narbaa. From this point to
Meca it is dirty, and all along this coast there is beach. Opposite
Meca a league and a half out at sea it is shallow, there being
places where the depth is not more than two or three fathoms.
When the wind is blowing strongly from the N or NE all these
shallows break into foam, so that ships going to this land always
anchor two leagues from the shore, and if it be a large ship even
farther out. A wise pilot will always anchor in the offing for the
safety of his ship. Half a league before reaching Rio de Meca
there is a mosque on a slope rather more than a gunshot from
the sea; from there to the landing-place of Meca is two leagues
on the same NW and SE route from Auguoa de Narbaa. As soon
as you get opposite the shore of the said landing-place you will
see a road leading to a ruined house ; this resembles a limekiln
and is nearly half a league distant from the sea on a plateau.
Small vessels of twenty to twenty-five tons can anchor there in
a creek in twenty fathoms on a clean bottom ; they should use
both anchor and hawser and should neither pass beyond this
road nor yet stop short of it, for the anchorage is at this exact spot.
In Meca* there are three villages inland about one league from
the sea ; all three have the name of Meca and are fairly pro¬
sperous. Here is the boundary of the second part of the kingdom
of Feez*, which begins at the Rio de Meluya fifty leagues within
the Straits beyond the city of Cepta ; for this river divides Feez
from the kingdom of Tremecem, as we have said in the second
paragraph of the seventeenth chapter of this book. From this
same Rio de Meluya along the coast to the town of Azamor is
130 leagues, and this forms the first part of the kingdom of Feez ;
from Azamor to Meca is the second part, with eighty leagues of
coast. All told therefore, Feez has 210 leagues of coastline. It
1 I.e. Wadi Mesa.
* Suwanieh? 9 miles south of Agadir. The Africa Pilot speaks of a change
in the character of the coast at this point which might easily be productive
of "a dirty bottom” (Part 1, p. 162).
1 I.e. Mesa, Messa or Massat; cf. Leo Africanus, op. cit. book n, pp. 248,
341. The Africa Pilot speaks of two villages in this vicinity (Part I, p. 162).
4 Vide supra, p. 47.
KINGDOM OF FEZ
57
is a country rich in corn and meat and other products, while its
seas abound in fish. The King of Feez is able to take the field
with 100,000 horsemen. As for the merchandise of this realm,
there is an abundance of wheat and barley, honey, wax, dates,
indigo, hides, skins and many good horses, with other articles
of great value which are daily purchased and brought to these
realms. The products of our country which are valued in the
kingdom of Feez are silver and red, blue, green, purple and
yellow cloths ; the finer they are the more they are prized. They
also buy Dutch linens, fine handkerchiefs and other coarser ones,
which they call “bordateis.” All kinds of arms and tools they
would willingly buy, for they have great lack of them ; but since
it is forbidden by the Holy Fathers in Rome and by the laws of
your kingdom to sell arms to infidels, no one dares do this. What
w-e have said is a summary of the kingdom of Feez, its might
and the character of its products. The fortune of its people is
to believe in the error of the sect of Mahomet who, they consider,
was truly a messenger of God sent to this ignorant people for
the remission of their sins ; but he taught them all the vices and
abuses of the body and nothing at all of virtue, for his primary
intention was to destroy all that is difficult to believe or irksome
to perform. In his complacence he granted them those things
to which vicious and miserable men are inclined, especially in
Arabia, where Mahomet was born, for its inhabitants make lust
and greed and rapine their continual pursuit. As these perverse
people are hostile to our holy Catholic faith, the kings of these
realms from the time of King John of glorious memory have
always waged war unsparingly against them and have captured
the four towns which I mentioned in the third paragraph of the
fourteenth chapter of this book.
Chapter xxi
Concerning the Clear Mountain and their excellence
and the fabled Mount Atlas.
As we have undertaken to describe the noteworthy and memorable
things of Africa, it is right that we should not omit the Clear
Mountains, situated near the harbour of Meca, for there are few
countries in the world of equal beauty and height, so that they
must be accounted one of the noble sights of Africa1. They are
situated in the interior some ten leagues from Meca, and the
Moors in their language call them Gibel2. It is said that Rodrigo,
King of Spain, reigned over the country from the Straits of
Cepta to these mountains, all this country being then inhabited
by Christians, and he entitled himself Lord of the Clear
Mountains. They yield much corn, fruit, honey, wax, and
raisins and much iron, copper, hides and good fresh water and
much other profitable merchandise which the inhabitants of
these mountains take to the port of Meca to sell. Particularly
noteworthy are the size and height of these mountains; for a
very considerable distance eastwards along the coast of Africa
they are so lofty that they seem to be above the clouds. In this
country there is a race of people numbering about thirty thousand
(including five or six thousand horsemen) who are warlike, but
who, in some respects, seem to observe part of the Christian
faith3, for they keep Sunday very strictly, doing no work on that
day, and if any of their enemies go among them on a Sunday
they will welcome him and do him no injury. Some of these
men came to the city of Qafy and spoke with Ruy Fernandez,
1 Cf. Leo’s description of the mountains of Demenfera (op. at. book II,
p. 246) and Hanchisa (ibid. p. 256).
* Literally "mountain.”
9 Leo refers to the survival of certain Christian practices in his description
of the people of Fez (op. at. book ill, p. 452); cf. Marmot’s description of a
tribe called Azusrucs living on the mountains and hills of Barbary and
Numidia (quoted in J. Harris, Collection of Voyages and Travels , vol. 1,
p. 629). Le Clercq in his L’Afrique Chritienne tells us that "au xiv« sifccle,
dans les villages des Ncfzaona, on rencontrait quelques communautds
chr Etiennes, qui s’itaient maintenant depuis la conquCte ” (vol. II, p. 323).
MOUNT ATLAS
59
who at that time was there as the commercial agent of your
Highness, and told him their way of life and belief, saying that
their ancestors were Christians and that they possessed many
ancient books left by them written in Latin, which they kept for
the memory and honour of their race. This and other informa¬
tion concerning the range of the Clear Mountains we thought
well to set down in this work ; we will further add what is said
by Pliny in the first chapter of the fifth book of his Natural
History and by Ptolemy1 in his work Be Situ Orbis and by other
authors, who stated that Mount Atlas is situated here, a single
mountain so high that it overtops the clouds, and told many
fables concerning it ; but as the ancient writers did not know of
this region or explore it as we have explored it, it is no wonder
that they fell into error, for a mountain of such a shape is not
to be found in all that region, but only the very high mountain-
range of the Clear Mountains which traverse a great part of the
length of Africa, as we have said above. It seems therefore that
these must be Mount Atlas, although they are very unlike the
shape and description of Mount Atlas given by the ancient
writers. And now we must resume our description of the places
and harbours along the sea-coast.
Item. The Praya de Meca and Cabo d’Aguiloo* lie ENE and
WSW and occupy five leagues of the route, and this Cabo
d’Aguiloo presents a massive front to the sea, for it has rising
above it a mountain reminiscent of the hump of a camel; the
cape falls to the sea like the cliff of Cabo de Sam Vincente and
behind its point there is a bay. Half a league inside the bay in
the interior is the village of Aguiloo with about 300 inhabitants;
it has an abundance of good water and orchards, fruit and other
produce, and also a fair amount of gold which the Moors bring
thither from Guinea^. Small vessels up to eighty tons can anchor
in this bay, but as the bottom is dirty they must take soundings.
1 Pacheco obviously intended to write Pomponius Mela here (vide De Situ
Orbis, book in, chap. 1 1).
1 I.e. Cape Agula. The “ mountain " is actually a range of mountains, some
2000 ft. in elevation, lying a considerable distance inland ( vide Africa Pilot,
Part I, p. 162).
} Cad am os to does not list Aguilo among the Moorish entrepAts for the
Guinea gold traffic. It was, however, close enough to Massat to have shared
its trans-Saharan traffic in that commodity.
6o
CAPE NUN
Item. Cabo d’Aguiloo and Cabo de Nam1 lie NE by N and
SW by S and occupy twelve leagues of the route ; Cabo de Nam
is largely sand and is not very high. In front of it there are two
islands, and two leagues inland is a very large mud-wall en¬
closure, five leagues in circumference ; inside it are four villages :
Taguaost, Haguost, Hahytemosy and Tyciguone2, containing in
all some fifteen hundred inhabitants, who are usually at war with
one another. Within this enclosure there is plenty of water and
many gardens and orchards, with an abundance of fruit. The
inhabitants of these villages are white, but there are some blacks
among them. There is a big gold market here, for it is the port
for AudemL Here “alquices4,” coarse handkerchiefs, and blue,
red and yellow cloths are much prized, likewise English cloths,
linens and other articles. It was from Cabo de Nam that the
virtuous Prince Henry began his discoveries. At the beginning
of this navigation there was a saying: “He who reaches Cabo
de Nam will return or will not” (although it is distant not more
than 200 leagues from Lisbon) and now — Our Lord be praised —
the King navigates as far as India, a distance of 4,000 leagues
from Portugal. He who wishes to sail from Cabo de Guer to
Cabo de Nam? . . . and the distance along the route is 30 leagues6 ;
by going outside the bay, he will make his way more quickly and
safely. This Cabo de Nam is 30° 20' north of the equator7.
1 I.e. Cape Nun.
* Cf. Leo Africanus’s account: "In all Sus there is no city comparable
unto that which is commonly called Tagauost, for it oontaineth above 8,000
households. . . .The people of Tagauost are divided into three parts [Haguost,
Hahytemosy and Tyciguone?]. They have continual civil wars among them¬
selves. . .their men are of a tawny and swarthy colour, by reason they are
descended of black fathers and white mothers. . .” (op. tit. book n, p. 255).
1 There is no reference in contemporary literature to any gold traffic at
Tagauost. The port for Audem was Mesas. {Vide Cadamosto, op. tit. p. 63.)
4 A kind of white Moorish mantle or burnous.
5 Lacuna.
* The coastwise distance between these two capes, on Pacheco’s reckoning,
is 35 leagues. In the light of this (and the statement that follows it) it is
obvious therefore that the lacuna originally contained directions for a shorter
route between these points.
1 Actually 290 20' N.
6i
Chapter xxii
How God revealed to the virtuous Prince Henry that he
should discover the Ethiopias of Guinea , and how his
discoveries began at this point.
It is not reasonable that we should pass over in silence those
things the truth of which our heart desires to tell: how the
virtuous Prince Henry, third son of King John I of Portugal of
glorious memory, and of Queen Philip daughter of the excellent
prince Duke of Lancaster of England, in his youth took part
with the King his father in the conquest of the city of Cepta,
which was entered by the gate of Almina after a sharp battle
with the Moors. The Prince there showed a courage equalled
by no knight in this battle, as we heard from persons who were
present at the capture of this city and bore true witness to this
fact. For this he attained the high military rank due to brave
men for such deeds1. Some years after the capture of Cepta,
after the death of the King his father, he founded and built on
Cabo de Sam Vincente (known of old as the Sacred Promontory)
the town of Ter?a Naval*, situated on the bay of Sagres*-, and
withdrew there with his household from the woes and wickedness
of this world, and lived a virtuous and chaste life, without ever
knowing a woman or drinking wine or indulging in any other
vice. He wore a hairshirt continually next to his skin and
practised many other virtuous acts besides. He was at that time
Master of the Order of Christ in these realms and lived such a
good life that we may confidently believe that he was found
worthy of that blessedness which all desire but few attain. We
might say much more of this Prince and of his goodness,
’ I.e. knighthood.
* The precise year in which Henry took up his residence in this town is a
matter of dispute. R. H. M^jor {Prince Henry the Navigator, pp. 51-2) held that
he did so soon after his return from Ceuta, but if we are to believe Zurara
{Cltronicle of Guinea, chap. 78) it would seem very unlikely that Henry with¬
drew thither until after his return from Tangier, i.e. after 1437. Pacheco’s
statement tends to confirm this, for John I only died in 1433.
5 Only ruins remain to mark the site.
62
REVELATION TO PRINCE HENRY
liberality and learning, all of which deserve high praise, but we
will omit these things as not pertaining to our subject. We will
only tell of the cause1 which moved him to undertake the dis¬
covery of the Ethiopias of Guinea1, which is our principal theme.
Virtuous men who love God and have clean hearts and hate
iniquity are never abandoned by the grace of the Holy Spirit ;
one night, as the Prince lay in bed, it was revealed to him that he
would render a great service to Our Lord by the discovery of the
said Ethiopias, and that in this region a great multitude of new
peoples and black men would be found ; as, in fact, have been
discovered from that time to our day; whose colour and shape
and way of life none who had not seen them could believe;
and that many of these peoples would be saved by the sacrament
of Holy Baptism. It was further revealed to him that in these
lands so much gold and other rich merchandise would be found
as would maintain the King and people of these realms of
Portugal in plenty and would enable them to wage war on the
enemies of our holy Catholic faith. This revelation and the
discovery of so many great regions now made known to
Christendom seems to be a fresh mystery of God and no merely
temporal matter; for that must needs come to pass which was
foretold by the prophet David in the eighteenth3 psalm which
begins “The heavens declare the glory of God” and contains
the verse “Their line is gone out through all the earth, and their
words to the end of the world.” And because the teaching of
Our Lord, which was preached by the Apostles, for the salvation
of the whole world, was lost in these Ethiopias, He in His
infinite mercy and goodness willed that it should be restored by
us as heirs of his law and divine faith. Thus in the city of
1 The account of the revelation that follows is also found in Jo5o de
Barros’s Asia, Decade I, book I, chap. i. Damiao de Goes, a humanist of the
Renaissance, refers to the story ( Cronica de Principe D. jo&o) but rejects it.
According to him Henry desired to find India : the accounts of Herodotus
and other ancient writers convinced him that it had been reached by the
circumnavigation of Africa, and this, together with the information he had
obtained from natives well versed in African affairs, led him to order the
rediscovery of the forgotten route. Vide E. Prestage, op. cit. pp. 31 </ seq.
Zurara, who wrote nearer the time, simply gives a list of motives actuating
Henry (op. cit. chap. 16).
* In contradistinction to "the Ethiopias of India”; vide book 1, chap. 23.
5 Actually Psalm xix. 4.
THE WORK OF THE NAVIGATOR
63
Sam Jorze da Mina in the kingdom of Maniconguo* many
Ethiopians have yielded a new spiritual fruit and in the time of
the late King John and during your reign have become Christians
and have hearkened to the Gospel which is spreading throughout
the earth, so that the words of this psalm are being fulfilled. We
must call Prince Henry, whom the glorious God chose for this
fulfilment, most blessed ; and blessed, indeed, are the Kings of
Portugal his successors, who have won such glory, riches and
honour from these conquests and commerce, with peace and
prosperity, so long as they make use of them with charity and
without harshness for the service of Our Lord.
The Prince began this discovery for the service of God from
Cabo de Nam and when the first negroes4 were brought to these
realms and he learnt the truth of this holy revelation, he wrote
to all the Kings of Christendom inviting them to assist him in
this discovery and conquest for the service of Our Lord, each
of them to have an equal share of the profits, but they, con¬
sidering it to be of no account, refused and renounced their
rights*. The Prince then sent to the holy Father, Pope Eugene IV,
1 John Pory (vide Introduction to Leo Africanus’s History of Africa,
Hakluyt Society, p. 79) places it in the kingdom of Benin, the kingdom of
the Congo ending northwards near the “haven called Gurte” (i.e. Gwato),
about 30 miles northnortheast of the mouth of the Benin River.
* According to Zurara (op. dt. chap. 31) Dinis Dias brought the first
“negroes” to Portugal. They were “ Azenegues of Sahara,” i.e. blackamoors,
but judging from passages in chaps. 27 and 33 of book 1, Pacheco has in mind
the negroes of the Senegal, i.e. Jalofs. The first of these were brought to
Portugal in 1447-8. (Vide Zurara, op. cit. chap. 60.)
* This statement is not confirmed by other Portuguese historians and is,
moreover, difficult to reconcile with the Papal mandates (issued at the express
wish of the Portuguese kings) conceding the sole rights and advantages of
African navigation to the Portuguese. The only passage in Zurara that deals
with “the Kings of Christendom” has an entirely different tenor. After
rehearsing the virtues of the navigator, he asks "Who would not fear to
compare himself with this our prince, seeing how that the sovereign pontiff,
vicar-general of the Holy Church (Martin X) and the Emperor of Germany
(Sigismund) as well as the kings of Castille (John II) and England (Henry VI)
when informed of his great virtues, begged him to be captain of their armies? ”
(op. cit. chap. 6). That still other Christian princes and rulers were also aware
of the work of the Portuguese at this period, and unlikely to despise any
request for help, is evident from the warm reception that Pedro, the second
son of John I and brother of the Navigator, received on his tour of Europe.
At Venice, for instance, the Doge presented him with a copy of Marco Polo’s
travels and a “mappa mundi” by which Prince Henry “was much helped
DEATH OF PRINCE HENRY
64
Femam Lopez de Azevedo, a gentleman of his household and
a councillor of King Afonso V, and Commander of the Order
of Christ, who presented to the Pontiff the embassy of the prince
and the renunciation of the kings, and all his requests were
granted1. For even as God revealed to the virtuous Prince this
marvellous mystery which had been withheld from all the other
generations of Christendom, so He willed that, by the hand of
His vicar, pastor and father of the church, Pope Eugene IV,
and by the blessings and letters of other holy Popes, the conquest
and commerce of these regions even to the ends of India should
be granted and bestowred on him. With this foundation this
virtuous Prince set to work and bequeathed in perpetuity to the
Order of Christ a tenth of all profits and revenues accruing from
the islands of Madeira and the Azores and Santiago, and a
twentieth of all profits from Guinea3, in payment and return for
certain revenues of the Order which he as its Master spent in
the discovery of these lands and islands; and this twentieth part
could not be refused, denied or in any way withheld without
mortal sin and forfeit. This virtuous prince died on the 13 th of
November in the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ 1460, and lies
buried in the monastery of Santa Maria da Vitoria da Batalha
in the chapel of King John his father.
And now beginning at Cabo de Nam, which, as it was the
beginning of this discovery, we thought right to honour with
a special kind of mention, we will proceed with our purpose as
before; and because it is fitting that such princes should be
had in remembrance, we have placed here a painting of his
and furthered in his discoveries ” (vide Antonio GalvSo, Discoveries of the
World, p. 66, Hakluyt Society). In the light of such evidence it would appear
highly improbable that all the kings of Christendom should have considered
such an invitation to be “of no account.*’
1 Cf. Zurara (op. cit. chap. 15) according to whom this embassy sought to
make a partition between the Pope and Henry “of the treasures of the Holy
Church, for the salvation of those souls who in the toils of that conquest
should meet their end.’’
* Up to the last year or so of his life Prince Henry paid the tithe of
the revenues, both of the islands and Guinea, to the Order of Christ. On
26 December 1458, however, he signed a decree stipulating that the Order
should receive tribute of the twentieth of all merchandise from the mainland,
whether slaves, gold or whatsoever it might be, and that the remainder should
fall to whosoever held the dominion, as he then held it, by royal prerogative.
mx.
Series II. Vol. LXX1X
HAKLUYT SOCIETY
THE NORTH ATLANTIC ON AN ITALIAN CHART OP c. 1508
British Museum, ligerion MS. 2803
CAPE BOJADOR 65
device, with his motto as he used it, written in the French
language1. Aqui mapa.
Item. Cabo de Nam and Cabo do Bojador lie NE by E and
SW by W and occupy sixty leagues on the route; but a wise
pilot will steer WSW for thirty leagues of this voyage and the
other thirty SW by W and will thus round Bojador eight leagues
out at sea ; he should not take any other course, because Cabo
do Bojador is most dangerous, as a reef of rock runs out into
the sea more than four or five leagues, on which several ships
have already been lost through ignorance. This Cape is very low
and covered with sand ; the bottom is so full of shoals that when
you are in ten fathoms you cannot see the land* because it is
so low. The whole of the coast from Cabo de Nam to Cabo do
Bojador is low and sandy and almost deserted, and Cabo do
Bojador is 270 10' north of the Equator3. The knights of Prince-
Henry’s household, whom he sent out as captains of his ships
to discover this Cabo do Bojador, and likewise the seamen who
accompanied them, ought certainly to be blamed for not daring
to pass beyond it; for during twelve years they were sent out
yearly4 by the Prince and when they approached Cabo do Bojador
and found shallows and only three fathoms of water a league
from land, they were so terrified by the strong currents5 that
* His motto “Talent de bien faire” could hardly have been more appro¬
priate, for in Prince Henry’s time the word “ talent” conveyed not the idea of
“power” or “faculty", but of “desire”: vide R. H. M^jor (op. cit.) for an
illustration of his device.
4 It is the surf caused by the shoals, rather than the shoals themselves, that
makes it difficult to distinguish the cape from the offing (vide Africa Pilot,
Part 1, p. 169).
3 Actually 26° 07' N.
* From a letter of Afonso (22 October 1443, vide Algum Documentor do
Archivo Nacional. . .Acerca das Navegafoes e Conquistas Portuguezas, p. 8)
we learn that Prince Henry sent out ships fourteen times before he got news
of the land beyond Cape Bojador.
5 There is no suggestion in the Africa Pilot of dangerous currents at this
point — “off C. Bojador the current pursues its steady course uninfluenced
by any change in the direction of the wind and flows at less than one knot an
hour, and at 4 miles WNW of the Cape sets SW at knots an hour” (Part 1,
p. 43). There is, however, a suggestion that the cape lacks suitable anchorage
and shelter from storm — considerations that would loom large in the mind of
the Portuguese pioneer. “ The surf is exceedingly heavy all along this coast. . .
landing on the south side [of the cape] is always difficult.” But these conditions
improve southwards: “ from Cape Bojador the coast. . .trends SSE for a few
HK
5
66 GILLIANNES* EXPEDITION
none dared to sail out to sea and pass beyond this shoal.
Accordingly they returned to the coast of Berbery and Graada1,
where they cruised about to take some prizes in order to pay
for the expense of their equipment; but the Prince was greatly
displeased because they did not pass beyond the cape. In his
desire to pass Cabo do Bojador and explore the coast beyond it,
in the year 1434s he equipped a vessel [barcha] and sent in it
as captain a squire of his household called Gilliannes, to whom
he spoke as follows : “ Gilliannes, you know how I brought you
up from a boy and how I trust you in matters pertaining to my
service; therefore I have chosen you out from all the rest to
command this vessel and to discover and pass beyond Cabo do
Bojador, and even if on this voyage you do no more than pass
beyond this cape, I will consider that you have rendered a good
service. The dangers you will encounter will not be so great that
the hope of the reward I will give you will not be much greater.”
The Prince added : “ I do not know how you have all imagined
so vain a thing, for if it had the slightest foundation I would
not blame you so much, but you tell me only the opinions of
four seamen 3 who make the voyage to Flanders and back and
to other ports to which they are accustomed to navigate and have
no other experience; but do you go and have no fear and pass
beyond the cape and win great honour and profit4.” These
miles, thus forming a bay affording some protection from northerly and
easterly winds." Here "there is good anchorage. . .on a bottom of sand and
mud.” ( Africa Pilot, pp. 279-81, 8th edition.) Now an examination of the early
portolan charts (down to c. a.d. 1450) elicits the fact that it was not the cape
which constituted the southern limit of coastal knowledge, but the cove on its
southern side, from which it follows that the question of danger in rounding
the cape was not regarded as a very serious obstacle to southward advance.
It may well be that the real reason why Cape Bojador (literally, the bulging
cape) earned the name of "caput finis Africe” in the later Middle Ages lies
in the arid and inhospitable character of the coast beyond (cf. Zurara, op. cit.
chap. 8, p. 31, Hakluyt Society).
1 I.e. Granada. At the time of which Pacheco speaks Granada was still a
Moslem kingdom (as indeed it remained until 1492) and the whole of the
Barbary coast was under Moorish rule. Together these coasts provided a
very handy and lucrative rendezvous for Portuguese pirates.
* In 1433 according to the generally accepted chronology (vide E. Prestage,
op. cit. p. 55).
5 E. Dias (op. cit.) suspects a corruption of the text here, but the sense of
the copies is apparent.
4 Cf. Zurara, op. cit. chap. 9.
DISCOVERY OF CAPE BOJADOR 67
words so impressed Gilliannes that he forgot all his fears and
inspired by a great desire to serve the Prince, he in this year
1434 sailed fifty leagues beyond Cabo do Bojador x. On his return
the Prince knighted him and rewarded him appropriately and
with great honour and possessions established him in the town
of Lagos, where he lived many years. This Gilliannes was the
first to pass two leagues beyond Cabo do Bojador and therefore
deserves this notice.
Item. Cabo do Bojador and Angra* dos Ruivos lie N by E
and S by W and occupy thirty leagues of the route. Whoever
makes this voyage should keep close to the shore and sail
cautiously so as not to run aground ; but the ship that is seven
leagues out at sea from Cabo do Bojador and sails S by W, will
make the Angra dos Ruivos and be at safety a distance of three
leagues, a little more or less out at sea from it. At Bojador the
pilot will have to stand out to sea the aforesaid seven leagues
in order to make the voyage safely. Now we will resume the
routes and voyages from the city of Lisbon to these parts
according to our customary manner of navigation.
Chapter xxiii
How zee are accustomed to -navigate to these Ethiopias
of Guinea from the city of Lisbon.
From the province of Lusitania in the realms of Portugal, where
is situated the very ancient and excellent city of Lisbon, the
capital of our country, in which I the author Duarte Pacheco
was bom, by command and permission of the most serene
Prince King Manuel our Lord (the first of his name to reign in
Portugal) we are wont to sail in his fleet and ships to the Lower
* Barros (op. at. Decade I, book I, chap. 5) give* 30 leagues and implies
that these league* were discovered on a second voyage in company with
Gongalves Baldaya in the year 1434, his first voyage (1433, according to
Barros) having resulted only in the rounding of the cape.
1 I.e. Garnet Bay. “Ruivos” can be translated equally well as “mullet,”
“gurnet” (whence garnet) or "roach.”
CABALLO BAY
68
Ethiopias of Guinea and to the Higher, as the most wealthy
kingdoms of India arc called ; in this we excel all other genera¬
tions. Because this work of ours began at the mouth of the
western strait, where Pliny, Pomponius Mela and other writers
began their cosmographical descriptions, we are following their
order; our route thence to Angra dos Ruivos has been almost
entirely coastwise, in order to preserve continuity of treatment.
By this route, however, the journey to the said parts is long and
circuitous; we must therefore describe the direct route which
we are wont to take in all months of the year from this excellent
city to the Ethiopias, which will be seen to be much shorter
than following the sea-coast from the strait, as described above.
After leaving this noble city of Lisbon you must steer SSW
200 leagues, when your latitude will be 28° north. Then sailing
S by W for 45 leagues from Ponta d’Andia 1 in the Isle of Forte
Ventura, which is one of the seven islands of the Canaries, you
will come to Angra dos Ruivos on the mainland, of which we
have spoken in the preceding chapter. This bay is 250 north of
the Equator. Three leagues out at sea from this bay there is fifty
fathoms of water with a sandy bottom and plentiful fishing;
from this place you will sail along the coast in search of Cabo
Verde, as we will go on to show.
Item. Angra dos Ruivos and Angra dos Cavallos* lie NNE
and SSW and occupy twelve leagues; the name of the latter is
derived from the fact that Prince Henry sent thither as captains
Afonso Gonsalves Baldaya and the aforesaid Gilliannes with
horsemen to capture some Moors ; this place is difficult to find
and can only be known from its place on the map.
Item. Angra dos Cavallos and the Rio do Ouro lie NE by N
and SW by S and occupy twelve leagues; this Rio do Ouro is
240 north of the Equator. It can be identified by the three fairly
high sand-hills on the NE, and by the fact that all the country
from Angra dos Ruivos to Rio do Ouro along the coast is fairly
high and flat, like a table; this is called Terra Alta — but the
1 I.e. Jandia Point.
* I.e. Caballo Bay, which was discovered in 1436 (1435* according to Barros,
op. at. Decade I, book I, chap. 5). Zurara does not mention Gilliannes in this
connection.
RIVER OURO
69
Arabs and Azenegues1 * call it Hazara3. Here at the extremity of
this high land which continues for nearly 30 leagues, there is a
narrow strip of low land where the Rio do Ouro is situated. The
landmarks, then, of the Rio do Ouro are its latitude of 240 north,
the three hills of sand on the NE, and further, its situation on
a strip of lowlying land at the end of the high land. If when you
climb the ship’s mast and looking inland, you see a kind of lake,
that is where the Rio do Ouro is. All this coast from Cabo do
Bojador to Rio do Ouro and for more than a hundred leagues
beyond is treeless, grassless and deserted, except that in a few
villages of the interior twenty leagues from the sea dwell some
Arabs and Azenegues. On all this coast there is an infinite
amount of fish. He who wishes to enter this river should steer
E by S along the land with the windward side on his left, and
he will find three and a half fathoms and four at high tide, and
the tide flows NE and SW ; but let him beware of steering south
on the right hand of the entrance to this river, for it is all shallow
here. When he has ascended the river nearly a league to an
island lying in it 3, he will find good clean anchorage at three
and a half fathoms. This river flows inland four or five leagues 4 5,
and there is no fresh water except in the months of August and
September, when there are thunder-showers and fresh water may
be found in pools. This river was discovered by Afonso Gonsalves
Baldaya, knight of the household of Prince Henry and his
cupbearer, and by Gilliannes, likewise his knight, who went
thither as captains of his ships. In a raid they captured six noble
Arabs 5, who ransomed themselves for ten black slaves and a
1 Barros tells us (op. cit. Decade I, book I, chap. 9) that these tribes
inhabited the part of the Sahara that bordered on “the negroes of Jaloff,
where begins the region of Guinea ” — i.e. the northern bank of the Senegal.
Their language (vide Zurara, op. cit. chap. 31) was different from that of the
Moors — it was Berber, not Arabic.
1 This probably represents one of the many European attempts to reduce
the Berber word for “ desert ” to writing. The more usual forms are Zahara,
Sahar, Sahara, Sarra, Ssahhara.
5 Herne Island?
4 The River Ouro is merely a gulf : the illusion of a river is produced by
the 20-milc-Iong peninsula (ending in Dumford Point) which forms the
western side of the gulf.
5 Zurara (op. cit. chap, io) speaks of their desire to capture some natives
and of a skirmish with nineteen armed men in the Angra dos Cavallos, but
CINTRA BAY
?0
little gold dust, and this gold was the first brought to the Prince
from those parts, and the river was accordingly named Rio
do Ouro1.
Item. The Rio do Ouro and the Angra de Gon^alo dc Sintra 2
lie N by E and S by W and occupy fourteen leagues of the route.
For a landmark there are in the middle of the bay and rising
above it three hills of sand 3. Seawards the land terminates in
a rocky cliff and the ship that would cast anchor here should
first take soundings. The name of this bay is derived from
Gon^alo de Sintra, a captain of one of the Prince’s ships, who
was killed here by the Arabs4. He who does not wish to touch
at this bay or at Cabo das Barbas but is bound for one of the
rivers of Guinea should, on leaving the Rio do Ouro, make his
course SSE for thirty leagues, to avoid Cabo das Barbas, which
is very dangerous because of its many shallows, as we shall see.
Item. Angra de Gonsalo de Sintra and Cabo das Barbas lie
NE and SW and occupy sixteen leagues. This cape is very bad
and dangerous, with great reefs of rock which run out into the
sea five leagues or more, and which have caused the loss of
shipping at times; the ship that enters the bay 5 within this cape
can only save itself by steering WNW out to sea. This cape may
be recognised by the two small islands in front of it and, on the
land side, by its high cliffs; its distance north of the Equator
is 2i£°6. He who leaves Rio do Ouro for Arguim or for one of
says that " Baldaya went back to Portugal without the captives he had sought or
any certain knowledge as to whether the natives he had met with were Moors
or heathen, or as to what their manner of life was.” It was five years later, in
1441, and under a different leader, one AntSo Gonsalves, that the ten blacka¬
moor slaves were brought back from the River Ouro (Zurara, op. cit. chaps. 12,
13). It was only on AntSo Gonsalves’s second voyage that the first gold dust
was obtained (Zurara, op. cit. chap. 16).
1 Pacheco makes the same mistake as Zurara and Barros, for no gold is,
or was, found in the vicinity of the gulf. Such amounts as were traded there,
and at Arguim {vide infra, pp. 72-3) were brought by caravan from the interior
(cf. Cadamosto, op. cit. chap. 10).
2 I.e. Cintra Bay.
3 I.e. the Cintra Hills, vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 175.
* In 1445, as the result of an ill-advised skirmish in which he and a handful
of followers were hopelessly outnumbered by some 200 Moors. Vide Zurara,
op. cit. chap. 27.
5 I.e. St Cyprian Bay.
6 Cape Barbas is 220 20' N.
CAPE BRANCO
71
the rivers of Guinea should make his course SW for thirty
leagues so as to double this Cabo das Barbas and its shallows,
and then steer S by W for twenty-five leagues, when he will be
opposite Cabo Branco, five or six leagues in the offing with the
said Cabo Branco to the E; his distance north of the Equator
will be 20° 20'.
Item. Cabo das Barbas and Pedra da Gualee* lie NNE and
SSW and occupy four leagues of the route ; this Pedra da Gualee
is about an arrow’s flight in length and was so called from its
length and its shape, resembling that of a galley, when it was
discovered by Afonso Baldaya, knight of the household of Prince
Henry, and his cupbearer. This Pedra da Gualee was discovered
in the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ 14361 2. It may be known
from its shape, unlike that of any other in all this country, and
from the fact that it has some little islands of rock to the south3 ;
this Pedra da Gualee and the Cabo do Carvoeiro4 5 lie NNE and
SSW and occupy ten leagues of the route.
Item. Cabo do Carvoeiro and Cabo Branco lie NNE and
SSW and occupy sixteen leagues. Two leagues to this side of the
cape is the Angra de Santa Maria 5, with good anchorage and
room for ten or twelve small vessels in eight and ten fathoms.
For landmarks Cabo Branco lias a white hill, on a plateau,
resembling a sand dune, the fact that the coast trends ESE here,
there being no land visible to the south, and its latitude, which
is 200 20' north6. Thus by its shape, the direction of the coast,
and its latitude the cape may be easily recognised. Whoever
leaves Rio do Ouro for Cabo Branco should make the voyage
as indicated in the paragraph above, that is to say, by way of
the Angra de Gon9alo de Sintra and Cabo das Barbas.
1 I.e. Pedra de Galha of the Africa Pilot. " Seen from the northward, at
a distance of about 9 miles, the rock looks like a vessel under sail” {ibid. p. 176).
* Cf. Zurara, op. cit. chap. 10. Barros gives 1435 as the year of the dis¬
covery.
J I.e. Virginie Rock.
4 I.e. Cape Corveiro, 2i°47' N.
5 West Bay? 6 20° 46' N. actually.
Chapter xxiv
Concerning the routes and landmarks from
Cabo Branco to Cabo Verde.
Item. At Cabo Branco begin the shallows of Arguim x, which
extend thirty leagues in length and twenty leagues in breadth.
He who is making for one of the rivers of Guinea should, when
opposite Cabo Branco, steer S by W for ten leagues and then
sail a hundred leagues S by E, when he will reach Angra das
Almadias2, which is seven leagues on this side of Cabo Verde ;
sailing thence SW he will reach the said cape. This course is
necessary in order to sail outside the shallows of Arguim, which
are very dangerous ; when he is in sight of Cabo Branco he will
see no land to the S or SSE but only to the ESE, which is the
direction that the coast takes here.
Item. Cabo Branco and the island of Arguim lie WNW and
ESE and occupy ten leagues of the route, and on this part of the
voyage there are some shallows of rock and sand and consequently
care must be taken not to run aground. On the island of
Arguing is a castle which the excellent King Afonso V ordered
Soeyro Mendez d’Evora, one of his courtiers, to build there
after the death of Prince Henry, the governorship of which
castle he granted to him and his sons. The Arabs and Azenegues4
. . .gold. . .Arguim for barter and black slaves from Jalofo5 and
1 I.e. L£vrier Bay, vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 179.
* Guet’n’dar, near mouth of Senegal River?
s Discovered in 1443 by Diniz Dias and Nuno TristSo. Henry lost no
time in fortifying it. Protected by Cape Branco, Arguim Island (one of three
in the bay) was a convenient centre from which the neighbouring shores and
the mainland could be explored. Having first made it the seat of local
administration, the Navigator next made it the centre of all his African trade.
The erection of the fort and factor)’ at Arguim in 1448 may be said to mark the
beginning of a new phase in Portuguese maritime policy. Henceforth, in
addition to being crusaders, the Portuguese became pioneers of trade, both
for its own sake and as a means to the conversion of the negro. The island
is now uninhabited, but the remains of the old fort can still be seen.
4 This lacuna appears to require only the words "bring” and "to” to
complete the sense.
5 Cf. Barros, Asia, Decade r, book 1, chap. 9. Pory ( Introduction to Leo
Africanus’ History of Africa, p. 83, Hakluyt Society) describes them as being
ARGUIM
73
Mandingua1; also tapir hides for shields and gum arabic and
other things; and from Arguim they take back cheap red and
blue cloths, coarse kerchiefs and shawls which are made in
Alentejo, and other articles of the same sort3.
Chapter xxv
Concerning the desert of Arguim and the places beyond.
All the country from Cabo do Bojador to Arguim and fifty
leagues beyond is practically desert, being very thinly populated
along the sea and in the interior; the reason is that it is all sand
and has very little water. The width of this desert is nearly
200 leagues, and its length runs through the whole of Africa for
900 leagues or more in an easterly direction till it reaches the
other sea where the Ethiopians dwell under Egypt near Cabo de
Guardafune, at the entrance of the Straits of Mequa on the
borders of Arabia, which straits join the Red Sea. Arguim and
Cabo de Guardafune are on the same parallel of latitude3,
namely 240 north, and the country of Arguim and Guardafune
“ the most northerly [of the negro peoples] who spread themselves between
the two foresaid rivers [Gambia and Senegal] for the space of 500 leagues
eastward.” In contemporary maps the name first appears (in the form of
“jafo ”) in the Genoese Planisphere of 144(5)7, alongside a prominent river
(the Senegal?) of the West African littoral. On the ethnography of this
region vide M. Delafosse, The Negroes of Africa, p. 95.
1 I.e. the kingdom of Melli (or Mali) which was such a popular subject
with the later mediseval map makers, c.g. Catalan Atlas, c. 1375. According
to recent researches (vide Charles de la Rondire, La Dicouverle de TAfrique
au Moyen Age, vol. I, pp. 90 et seq.) the capital of the Mandinga kingdom was
situated on the left bank of the Sankarani near its confluence with the Niger,
i.e. in the vicinity of the gold-bearing region of Bambouk and Bour6 (Wan-
gara?).
’ For a fuller account of the early trade of Arguim vide Cadamosto, op. cit.
chap. xo.
5 Pacheco’s figures for the size of the Sahara are more correct than his
latitudes, for Arguim and Cape Guardafui are not on the same parallel and
neither of them is 240 N. (Pacheco is obviously guilty of a lapse here, for in
chap. 23 he places Cape Blanco 20° 20' N. and in this chapter says that it is
only 10 leagues away.) Arguim Island is approximately 210 N., Cape
Guardafui X2° N.
SAHARAN COMMERCE
74
arc alike mostly desert and sand. In this desert dwell some
naked savages who live on gazelles, which they net, and hares
and snakes, whose flesh they dry in the sun; the name of the
desert is Hazara1, and its inhabitants speak the language of the
Azenegues and follow the mistaken sect of Mahomet. It is
marvellous how great Nature provides for all necessities of life
for this desert of sand, which is impelled by the force of the
winds, for it has some islands of rock with some soil, 3 and
4 leagues apart, and some others farther apart, which are too
high to be submerged by the sand, and these are the landmarks
and refuges for the Moors who. . .* across it, and for the savage
people who live there.
Item. After travelling from Arguim thirty leagues in an
easterly direction, you come to a small lake called Ydamem3
where water is to be found at all seasons of the year, and there
the Moors who go with merchandise from Arguim and other
parts stay and rest and water their camels and take in water for
their journey. Four leagues SE of this lake is another lake called
Emsery. In this desert there are some salt-pits from which very
much salt of a fine quality is extracted in the following manner :
at certain points they dig the earth and at a depth of a “ covado4 ”
they find a vein like a board a league long or more, but some¬
times less, and three inches thick. This they cut in pieces six
“palmosS” long and three wide, and a large camel can carry
five of these pieces. The salt is very good and white ; I saw some
of it, which had been brought from Arguim, in the Casa da Mina
at Lisbon, the house of the Guinea trade. The Arabs take many
camels laden with this salt from the desert to the fair of Tam-
bucutu, where they receive much gold for it.
1 Vide supra, p. 69 note.
* The slight lacuna at this point appears to need only the insertion of some
such words as “journey" or "make their way."
5 This lake and the following one (Emsery) are probably to be identified
with the “salines " of the Tcgazza (or TegMza) region. Vide 'Leo Africanus,
op. cit. book VI, pp. 800 et seq.\ Cadamosto, op. cit. pp. 45 et seq. Until
recently several places, approximately in this locality, were carrying on a salt
trade with the Sudan. Aruan and Tadeni in particular were doing a large
business in that commodity down to the end of the last century. Vide
F. Dubois, Tombouctou la MystMeuse, p. 385.
4 A Portuguese measure containing three-quarters of a yard of a Flemish ell.
5 A “palmo” equals one-third of a “covado."
OADEM AND THE GOLD TRADE
75
Item. About forty leagues to the SE of Lake Ydamem is a
town, inhabited by Azenegues, called Audem1 * ; it contains about
300 inhabitants, brown in colour and belonging to the excom¬
municated sect of Mahomet. They are called Ezarziguy. In this
town of Audem there is a great traffic in gold, which is brought
overland from Guinea ; it was even greater before the mine3 and
other rivers of Guinea were discovered. The late King John II
had a certain Rodrigo Reined, his squire, there as factor, but
these bad Azenegues treated him so cruelly that he must needs
return to Portugal ; indeed he only escaped from them with great
difficulty and personal risk and loss. Fifteen to twenty leagues
from Audem are three villages inhabited by Azenegues, by name
Singuyty, Tynyguuhy and Marzy, in all of which there is traffic
in gold from Guinea. All this people is subject to a race of
Arabs called Ludea 4 5 ; they live on dates and a little wheat which
they sow in the palmwoods, and on the flesh of goats and sheep.
Of this country the ancient writers never knew what we know
now, and great would have been their delight had they known it.
Arguim was discovered by Antam Gonial vez 5, a knight of the
household of Prince Henry, who rewarded him for this sendee
with the governorship of the town of Thomar and with the
habit of the Order of Christ.
1 I.e. Oadem (Zurara, op. cit. chap. 76) or Hoden (Cadamosto, op. cit.
pp. 44 et seq.) or Guaden (Leo, op. cit. book I, p. 147). The exact location of
this town has never been settled. R. Brown (vide Leo Africanus, op. cit.
p. 1 16) is inclined to place it on the plateau of El Hodh, due west of Tim¬
buktu, on which is Walata (or Oualata) — a suggestion that is supported by a
statement of Leo’s (op. cit. p. 147). On the trade of Audem vide Cadamosto
(op. cit.) and A. Arcin, Histoire de la Guirtie frartfaise, p. 52.
1 I.e. S. Jorze da Mina.
3 In 1487. Until then the Portuguese had confined their main activities
to coastwise exploration and trade. This “ factory” was established under the
authority of the great Lamtouna chief, Soni Ali. The trade was conducted
through the entrepOt of Arguim.
4 I.e. the Udaya (or Oudaia) tribe of Duihessen Arabs. Leo calls them
“ the people of Vode [who] enjoyeth that desert which is situated between
Guaden and Gualata. They bear rule over the Guadenites (i.e. the people of
Audem] and of the Duke of Gualata they receive yearly tribute and their
number is grown almost infinite” (op. cit. book 1, pp. 146 et seq.).
5 The credit for this discovery is usually given to Nuno Tristio, who
followed up Gon9alvez’s slave-raiding expedition of 1443*
76
Chapter xxvi
Concerning the route from Arguim to Rio de (fanagua1
and on to Cabo Verde along the bay.
In order to avoid prolixity and to follow the course along the
coast from Arguim, we omit many things concerning the desert
of Arguim and the mountains of Bafoor, where men eat one
another3, and concerning other places and things of note.
Item. The island of Arguim (and the Rio de Sam Joham 3)
lie NW and SE and occupy seventeen leagues of the route:
from the Rio de Sam Joham to Ponta Tofia4 is seven leagues 5 ; . . .
and from this Furna to Cabo da Area4 is fifteen leagues, and
from Cabo da Area to Anterrote4 is twelve leagues. From
Anterrote to the palms of Qanagui6 is twenty leagues, and these
palms are on the windward of the Rio de Qanagud to the NE.
All this coast from the Rio de Sam Joham to the palms lies
* I.e. River Senegal.
1 In the Middle Ages (and earlier) the Sudanese fringe of the Sahara was
inhabited by sedentary folk. These were in all probability negroes “more or
less mixed with Negrillos and white autochthones of North Africa. Together
they formed a group, fairly disparate perhaps in certain respects, which
Moorish traditions generally designate by the term Bafur; from them,
doubtless, have gone forth, by ramification, the Songhoy or Songai towards
the east, the Serers towards the west and, towards the centre, a great people
called Gangara by the Moors, Wangara by Arab authors and writers of
Timbuktu, and comprising in our day as its principal divisions the Mandinga,
properly speaking, or the Malinki, the Bambara and the Jula ” (M. Delafosse,
The Negroes of Africa, p. 45). Pacheco’s “mountains of Bafoor,” therefore,
are obviously the Fouta Djallon Mountains (the “ Albafur ” of Diogo Gomes,
vide E. Prestage, op. cit. p. 131). Now to the southeast of the Fouta Djallon,
in the forest belt, there are located many very primitive negro tribes who,
until very recently, were given to cannibalism (Delafosse, op. cit. pp. 97 et seq.).
J I.e. St John Bay, between Thila peninsula and Cape Timiris ; it penetrates
inland for some 17 miles. There is no river until you come to the Senegal.
4 The whole of this stretch of coast is indented by numerous bights and
rocky points which cannot certainly be identified with any of these names.
5 There is an obvious lacuna here. The “Furna” referred to is apparently
Fuma de S. Ana, which appears on a number of contemporary maps between
Ponta Tofia and Cabo da Area, or Area (vide " Guinea Portugalec ” portolan
chart, c. 1489 — Egcrton MS. 73 and Juan de la Cosa world map, 1500).
6 The position of these palms is marked on nearly all the portolan charts
of the period. On an otherwise barren stretch of coast, they provided an
admirable landmark. Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 187.
SENEGAL RIVER
77
north and south, and the country is all covered with sand an’d
very low and dangerous, with many shallows of rock and sand
which make navigation difficult. This route is out of the course
for ships making for Rio de Qanagud and Cabo Verde and other
parts of Guinea, for it forms a very large bay (which includes
the shallows of Arguim) extending for over thirty leagues. No
ship making for the £anagu£ should enter this bay, but from
Cabo Branco should steer straight for this river and the other
parts beyond it.
Item. A ship near Cabo Branco wishing to go to the Rio de
£anagu& must sail ten leagues S by W, to avoid the shallows of
Arguim, then sail twenty leagues due south, and the Rio de
Managua will be 60 leagues to the SW of it. Taking this course
it will sail outside the shallows of Arguim, as we have said, and
will anchor at the palms three leagues on this side of the said
river, which is distant from the Equator 150 25' N1. The bar
and channel of this river are liable to change and the entrance
to it is uncertain ; we will therefore only say that a ship entering
it should take soundings at the bar, and find that the tide flows
NYV and SE, contrary to the flow of the tides in Spain3. Above
the mouth of this river to the NE is a wood which is called the
forest of Chalam 3, and at its mouth are shallows which run out
into the sea a league or more. In the months of July, August,
September and October this river carries down much fresh water
from the hills, for it is then winter in this country and there is
much rain 4. The pilot who would enter this river should be
careful to make for land ten or twelve leagues on this side of it
and if it be night should anchor there and proceed by day, for
this land is very low and difficult to recognise 5 ; its only means
of recognition are the forest of Chalam and its latitude of
1 50 25' north. From the mouth of this river the coast runs NE
* Actually 160 N. * VuU Introduction, pp. xxvi, xxvii.
3 Sohr Wood? (vide Africa Pilot , Part I, p. 188).
* There are two seasons on the Senegal coast : the dry and the wet. The
dry season begins, according to locality, in November or December and lasts
until the end of May or even later. The peak rainy months are those Pacheco
enumerates. But the rainy season is far from being the cold season or " winter
as Pacheco calls it. In fact September is the hottest month on the coast and
has a mean temperature of 82° F. I
5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 190.
78 WESTERN BRANCH OF NILE
and SW to Cabo Verde; the natives call this river Encalhor and
the country near it Managua and the kingdom Jalofo. In our
time you could buy ten or twelve negroes here for one poor
horse, but owing to the abuses of this trade you can now obtain
only six ; it was also possible to barter a little gold for kerchiefs
and red cloths and other articles. At the bidding of the virtuous
Prince Henry, Denis Diaz, a knight of the household of King
John his father, and Lan9arote de Freytas, knights and captains
of the prince, discovered this river1; and when this Rio de
Qanagud was first discovered and made known, the Prince stated
that it was a branch of the Nile which runs west through
Ethiopia, and this was the truth. At the time when the bartering
was good four hundred slaves were obtained yearly from this
river (but sometimes less by half) in return for horses and other
merchandise.
Chapter xxvii
Concerning the source and character of the Rio de
Qanagud and of the two Ethiopias \
Since we have spoken of this Rio de Qanagud, it is fitting that
we should say something of the interior of the country. First
we must note that the Ethiopians and black men begin here^ ;
and since there are two Ethiopias, it is well to state that this
first Ethiopia is called Lower, or Low, Western Ethiopia, and it
is well known that none ever died of pestilence in it. Not only
did it receive this privilege from the Majesty of great Nature,
but we know by experience that none of the ships’ crew's making
1 Zurara makes no mention of Lan5arote de Freytas on this voyage (1445).
On a subsequent voyage he speaks of a certain Alvaro de Freytas who, along
with LanfarotePessanha, followed the coast down to the Senegal and beyond.
From the context it is dear that de Freytas was not present on Denis Diaz’s
voyage. Further, Zurara nowhere speaks of a Lanfarote de Freytas : in view
of the dose association of Lan9arote Pcssanha and Alvaro de Freytas, it may
be that Pacheco has confused the two names.
* Vide Appendix No. 1.
s This is substantially true : Moors and Berbers inhabit the northern bank,
the Jalofs (i.e. negroes) the southern bank of the Senegal.
LOWER AND UPPER ETHIOPIA 79
this voyage die of the plague in this climate, although they may
have sailed from a plague-stricken Lisbon, and although on this
voyage some have sickened and died, as soon as they [i.e. the
survivors] reach Ethiopia they are immune. This first Ethiopia ex¬
tends along the coast from Rio de £anagud to Cabo de Boa Esper-
an9a in 340 30' south. The distance from that river to the cape is
1,340 leagues. This country is also known to us as Guinea ; and it
seems to us [i.e. me] that in this promontory of Boa Esperan^a the
coast of Africa ends, turning back from this cape to the mine of
(^ofala1 * and thence to Monsombique and Quiloa and the cities of
Momba9a, Melinde, Patte*, Lama3, Haranha4 5 and Maguadaxo5,
a populous city, and many other places along this coast to Cabo
de Guardafune at the entrance of the Arabian Gulf and the
Gulf of Mequa which communicates with the Red Sea. The
coast from the Cabo de Boa Esperan9a to Cabo de Guardafune
was, by ancient writers, called Ethiopia under Egypt and its
length is 1,060 leagues ; so that the whole of Lower Ethiopia has
a coastline of 2,400 leagues, namely 1,340 from Managua to Boa
Esperanfa and 1,060 from there to Guardafune, all of which
have been navigated by men of Portuguese race, besides the
further leagues of India. The inhabitants of these Ethiopias are
black, with short curly hair like the frieze of a cloth.
Upper Ethiopia begins at Rio Indo beyond the great kingdom
of Persia ; it was from this river that India derived its name. Its
sea coast extends. . .leagues; its inhabitants are black but not so
black as those of Lower Ethiopia, their hair is smooth and long
like that of white men.
Thus the first black men are found at the Rio de Qanagud.
This river is the beginning of the kingdom of Jalofo6, which
extends nearly a hundred leagues in length and forty in breadth ;
on the north the Rio de Qanagud divides it from the Azenegues ;
on the south it borders Mandingua and on the east the kingdom
1 Vide supra, p. 4, note.
* I.e. Patta Isle, z° S., off the coast of Kenya.
s I.e. Lamu Isle, to the south of Patta.
* Text corrupt: in all probability it is to be identified with the Brava of
Duarte Barbosa (op. cit. vol. 1, chap. 16).
5 I.e. Mogadishu, 2$° N. in Italian Somaliland.
6 Cf. Cadamosto, op. cit. p. 74.
8o
SOURCE OF SENEGAL
of Tucurol1 *. The coast of Jalofo extends for fifty-five leagues,
namely 25 leagues from Rio de £anagud to Cabo Verde and
30 leagues from Cabo Verde to Rio de Guambea, and this river
divides Mandingua from Jalofo. The King of Jalofo can put
10,000 horsemen into the field and 100,000 footmen ; they are
all naked except the nobles and honourable men, who wear blue
cotton shirts and drawers of the same stuff. These peoples, as
those of the great kingdom of Mandingua and of Tucurol and
other negroes, are all circumcised and worship in the false sect
of Mahomet. They are given to vice and are rarely at peace with
one another, and are very great thieves and liars, great drunkards
and very ungrateful and shameless in their perpetual begging.
All these peoples and others who dwell near them are ignorant
of the source of the Rio de Qanagud, which is so large and deep
that they call it Rio Negro. Many intelligent Ethiopians who
know different provinces and countries for five hundred leagues
up this river have told us that its source is unknown ; but from
its course and beginnings we know that it rises in a great lake
of the river Nile thirty leagues long and ten broad, so that it
seems that this is the branch which the Nile throws out through
Ethiopia in a westerly direction, the other branch flowing north
and disemboguing by four mouths in the sea of Egypt, as we
have stated in the fifth chapter of this book. At the head of this
lake is a kingdom called Tambucutu3, which has a large city of
the same name on the edge of the lake. There also is the city of
Jany3, inhabited by negroes and surrounded by a stone wall.
1 I.e. Tacrour of Edrisi, the Tocoror of the Valscccha and other Catalan
planispheres.
* In this part of its course the Niger has braided its channel and in periods
of flood water inundates a very large area of its flood plain. In addition several
large permanent swamps dot the riverine territory south of Timbuktu for
150 miles to the confluence of the Niger and the Bani. During the summer
floods it would be no exaggeration to describe this area as a great lake “ thirty
leagues long and ten broad.”
3 I.e. Jenn£ (alternatively Gcnn6, Genna, Jinnie), the modem Dicnn£,
which is located on a tributary of the Niger — the Bani — some iso miles
southsouthwest of Timbuktu at the southern extremity of the great flood
area, i.e. “on the edge of the lake.” Its importance was derived largely from
the fact that it was the outlet for the gold-mining area of Melli and of the
Bobo and Lobi country. As access to the town was, in summer, only possible
by water, or by a very circuitous land route skirting the inundated country.
TRADE OF SENEGAL COUNTRY
8l
where there is great wealth of gold ; tin and copper are greatly
prized there, likewise red and blue cloths and salt, all except the
cloths being sold by weight; also greatly prized here are cloves,
pepper and saffron, and fine thin silk and sugar. The commerce
of this land is very great, and in the above-mentioned places
and in Cooro1 as well, fairs are held ; every year a million gold
ducats go from this country to Tunis, Tripoli of Soria3 and
Tripoli of Berbery and to the kingdom of Boje3 and Feez and
other parts. This Rio de £anagud would be navigable for small
vessels were it not for a great rock a little over 250 leagues from
its mouth before one arrives at Tambucutu and the other towns.
This rock is called Feleuu4 and it runs across the river so that
no ship or boat can pass, as the water pours over it in a cataract.
The ships of your Highness ascend this river only so far as the
kingdom of Tucurol, which the tide reaches sixty leagues from
the mouth and bar of the river5. There six or seven slaves are
bartered for one horse of no great value, and some gold in return
for kerchiefs and red cloths and stones called “alaquequas,”
which we are familiar with as stones that staunch blood6. In
it is not difficult to see how the belief that it was on a lake and the centre of a
gold-producing region originated. Judging from the context of a letter
written by a certain Antonio Malfante from Touat in the Sudan in 1447 Jennd
must have ranked in importance with Melli and Timbuktu. (Vide Charles de la
Roncifcre, Relation de Voyage datie du Touat. . .en 1447 . . . , p. 29.) John Pory
(op. at. p. 79) called " Genni” the chief city of the country of Guinea, which,
he says, takes its name from the city. According to him it was situated on the
Senegal River.
1 I.e. Koro, near the headwaters of the Sankanni River, in the Ivory Coast
uplands.
1 The old Italian form of Syria.
* I.e. the modem Bugia or Bougie, now part of Algeria.
4 I.e. Felu Falls, near the modem town of Kayes some 500 miles upstream.
Vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 189 (cf. John Pory, op. cit. p. 81).
5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 192 : “ During the period of low river, December
to June, tidal influence is said to extend to Diould6 Diab£, 238 miles above
St. Louis.”
‘ I.e. bloodstone. Cf. Richard Jobson (Purchas' Pilgrims, vol. tx, p. 300,
Maclehose edition) : “ they [i.e. the natives of the Gambia River] buy blood¬
stones, long and square, of the Portugals, which their women wear about
their middles, to preserve them from bloody issues. . The idea that red
stones will staunch the flow of blood if laid upon the open wound was still
cherished by the people of Albania at the end of the nineteenth century.
Vide J. G. Fraser, The Magic Art, vol. 1, p. 165.
HK
6
SNAKES AND LIZARDS
82
this country there are very large snakes1, twenty feet long and
more and very thick. There are other snakes a quarter of a league
long, with thickness, eyes, mouth and teeth in proportion ; there
are very few of these this size, but when they reach the size
I mentioned their instinct is to leave their native lakes and make
for the sea. On their way thither they work much damage, and
multitudes of birds fall upon them and pick at their flesh, which
is of an incredible softness, and when they reach the sea they
dissolve in the water. These snakes are rarely seen, once in every
ten years or so, and will seem incredible to those who have not
our experience of these things*. There are also in this river very
large lizards, many of them twenty-two feet long, and their
mouths are so large that they can easily swallow a man*. Here
also there is a wood called “balamban”; its surface is white but
inside it is as black as a buffalo’s horn and as hard as bone;
many articles are made from this in this kingdom, and as a
powder in water it is very good for coughs4. This river is rife
with fever; the winter in this land lasts from the middle of
July to the 15th of October*. We will omit much else concerning
Rio de £anagu£ in order to avoid prolixity.
‘ I.e. Pythons. Cf. De Bry ( Pur dun ' Pilgrims, vol. vi, p. 324, Maclehose
edition): "There was one in my time taken there [i.e. Cape Verde region] as
the negroes told me, which was 30 feet long and as much as 6 men could
carry.” The largest species of African python — Python sebae — commonly
attains a length of 20-24 ft. and is native to Senegambia. Vide F. Angel,
Lei Serpents de VAfrique Occidental Frarifaise, pp. 60-1.
* Vide Appendix No. 2.
J I.e. cro<»diles. Cf. Leo Africanus, op. cit. book ix, pp. 950 et seq.
4 I.e. ebony. The Encyclopedia Britamtica (nth edition) in speaking of
the best type of Indian ebony says that " the bark of the tree is astringent and
mixed with pepper is used in dysentery by the natives of India.” Pliny in his
Natural History, book xxiv, chap. 52, informs us that the root of the ebony
tree, when applied with water and with the addition of the root of the oleander
in equal proportions and of honey, "is curative of cough.”
* Vide p. 77 note.
83
Chapter xxviii
Concerning the route from Rio de Managua to Cabo Verde ,
and the islands which lie a hundred leagues out at sea from
this cape .
Item. Rio de Qanagud and Cabo Verde lie NE and SW and
occupy twenty-five leagues of the route. The latitude of this
cape is 14° 20' north1. From the point of this cape a great bank
of rock runs out into the sea for half a league, and a ship would
do well not to approach too close to the front of it. Inside the
cape on the SE are three islets*; one of them is at the mouth
of a large harbour which is called Angra de Bezeguiche5, as is
shown in our drawing, which we have painted from sight. Inside
this bay is anchorage for forty or fifty small vessels in five and
six and up to eight fathoms on a clean bottom. Outside the
island of Palma4 any number of large ships can anchor at fifteen
and sixteen fathoms on a sandy bottom, half a league from this
island which will lie to the N by W of them : they should be
firmly anchored because in August, September and October in
this country there are great windstorms accompanied by
thunder5, this being the winter-time. It is possible to take in
water, wood and meat here, but only with the goodwill of the
natives, otherwise the crews will suffer injury. Aqui mapa.
Having described Cabo Verde and how that, in ancient times,
it was called the Promontory of the Hesperides, we must also
describe the islands which lie a hundred leagues out to sea and
1 Actually 14° 33' N.
J I.e. Madeleine Islets. Actually they are four in number.
i I.e. Gor6e Bay. Bezeguiche was the name of the lord of that land with
whom Diogo Gomes had dealings on his voyage of 1456(8?). He described
him as "malignant against the Christians” — a characteristic that still seems
to have been applicable in Pacheco’s day.
4 I.e. Gor6e Isle.
5 Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 198, speaks of Gor<e Bay as being "well sheltered,
except during the rainy season, when the tornadoes which blow from the
eastward and southward quickly raise a choppy sea”; but these tornadoes
are neither so frequent nor so violent as those experienced farther to the
south.
6-2
84
CAPE VERDE ISLANDS
were, of old, known as the Hcsperides, as Pliny tells us in the
thirty-first chapter of the sixth book of his Natural History1.
We now call the principal island of this group the Isle of Sam
Thiago; in all, there are ten islands besides two large islets*.
For a clearer understanding we have given here a painting of
these islands with their shape and their position in relation to
one another and to Cabo Verde.
Item. The Isle of Sam Thiago and Cabo Verde lie W by N
and E by S, and occupy a hundred leagues of the route ; since
our drawing is clear and gives the winds and routes and relative
position of these islands we will not put it in writing. We need
only say that the largest island, namely Sam Thiago, is 150 20'
north of the Equator3, and the island of Boa Vista 15° 50'. The
islands of Sam Nicolao, Sant’ Antonio, Santa Luzia and Sam
Vincente are all at 160 40' north ; as for the islands of Foguo and
Braba* and Mayo it is unnecessary to give their latitudes. From
Sam Thiago and the other islands come yearly to Portugal many
skins of goats and hides of cattle and many fats and fairly fine
cottons. Fruit only grows in this land if artificially watered, for
it only rains in three months of the year, August, September and
October. Owing to its latitude the inhabitants have two summer
solstices in the year: on the 22nd of April, when the sun is in
the nth degree of the sign of Taurus3, with a declination of
150 12', and when it is immediately above the heads of the
inhabitants of these islands, more especially of Sam Thiago ; and
on the 3rd of August, when the sun is in the 9th degree of the
sign of Leo6, before reaching the autumn equinox, and is 90°
* Cf. J. Pory, Op. dt. p. 97. The Cape Verde Isles were certainly not known
in antiquity. The Hesperides are most probably to be identified either with
the Canaries or the Madeiras.
1 There are four such islets.
1 This is the latitude of the most northerly point in the island.
4 I.e. Brava.
5 In the technical sense of the word the twelve signs of the Zodiac are
geometrical divisions of the heavens 30° in extent, the sun spending approxi¬
mately 30 days in each sign, i.e. approximately 1 day in each degree of each
sign during the course of the year. At the moment of crossing the equator
(xx March according to Pacheco's reckoning, vide chap. 9), the sun is at the
first point of Aries. Thirty-one days later, i.e. 1 1 April, it enters Taurus.
On 22 April, therefore, the sun will be in the nth degree of Taurus, as
Pacheco says.
‘ Following Pacheco the sun will enter Leo on 13 July. It will be in the
21st degree of the sign, not the 9th, on 3 August.
BEYOND CAPE VERDE
85
above the horizon, that is, immediately above the heads of the
inhabitants of Sam Thiago, with a declination of 150 12’.
Although on these days the sun’s rays are so near them, they
bear it well. These islands are unproductive1, being close to the
tropic of Cancer; they have very few trees, owing to the lack of
rain in all but the three aforesaid months. The land is elevated,
rocky and difficult of access. These islands were discovered and
peopled at the bidding of the virtuous Prince Henry*. And now
we will return to Cabo Verde and describe the coast in due
order.
Item. From Cabo Verde to [Porto] d’Andam is six leagues
and this Porto d’Andam3 has red cliffs. There was formerly
good barter of slaves for horses here, ten slaves for one horse of
little worth, but it is now abandoned. From Porto d’Andam to
Cabo dos Mastos4 is two leagues ; this cape has bare red cliffs,
treeless and higher and larger than those of Porto d’Andam. In
the sea off this cape in thirty to forty fathoms there is plentiful
fishing of pargos3, badejos6 and other fish. From Cabo dos
Mastos to Porto d’AIe is two leagues?; this Porto d’AJe has a
beach and a wood of large, serried trees in a low valley resembling
a marsh, and these trees are many more in number than those
of any other grove. In front of this wood there is anchorage for
small vessels in four fathoms on a clean bottom of gravel and
coarse sand about half a league from land ; but a large ship must
anchor in twelve fathoms on a clean bottom of mud a good
league from land. Small vessels anchoring at four fathoms in
front of this wood must, however, beware of a rocky shallow
located to the windward of this anchorage towards the west; it
runs out to sea nearly half a league and is only visible when the
water breaks on it. This Porto d’Ale is situated very close to the
wood. There used to be a very good market for slaves at this
place, ten slaves could be had for a horse, but now owing to the
1 Cf. J. Pory, op. cit. p. 98.
* On the vexed question of the actual discovery of the Cape Verde Isles,
t tide E. Prestage, op. cit. pp. 141 et seq. ; also S. Barcellos, Subsidios para a
historia de Cabo Verde e Gitini, vol. I, chap. x.
3 I.e. Red Cape, 140 38' N.
4 I.e. Cape Naze, vide Africa Pilot, Part I, pp. 201-2.
5 I.e. sea-bream, a variety of gilt-head.
6 A species of cod.
7 I.e. Portudal Anchorage, 140 27' N. Vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 202.
86
SALUM RIVER
abuses committed in this barter, they will only give six1. Here
one can buy much meat and maize and beans and water, but
not without the goodwill of the natives. This coast is very low
and difficult to recognise and in order to do so one must sail
along the shore, which is very woody. From Cabo Verde to
Porto d’Ale is ten leagues ; they lie E and W and are in the same
parallel, 140 20' north of the equator. The depth of winter [sic]
in this country is in the month of August.
Item. Porto d’Ale and Rio dos Barbaciis* lie E and W and
occupy five leagues of the route ; this river has many rocks and
shallows running into the sea for two leagues and more to the
NW and for a league and a half to the south, all sand. The
landmark of this river is a thick wood along the bank at its
mouth, at the northern extremity of its shallows ; he who enters
this river should for greater safety take soundings at its bar to
find the deepest passage, for the channel changes, and entering
straight in the deepest part he will find a fathom and a half at
low tide — the tide running NW and SE, and two fathoms at full.
To the north on his left he will see a tall tree of great girth and
at its foot are many springs of fresh water where one can take
in water in abundance; this river may be ascended twenty
leagues3. For a poor horse you can receive here six or seven
slaves, but the captain who is engaged in this barter should
guard against these negroes for they are bad people. The latitude
of this river is 140 15' north of the equator4.
1 Cf. Cadamosto, op. cit. pp. 116-17.
1 I.c. Salum River. It was originally named after the Barbacini, a negro
people whom Cadamosto and Usodimare discovered in 1455.
5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 204.
* Actually 13*50' N.
87
Chapter xxix
Concerning the routes and landmarks from Rio
dos Barbaciis to Rio de Guambea.
Item. By standing four leagues out to sea and sailing 15
leagues SE from Rio dos Barbaciis, you will come to the mouth
of Rio de Guambea. The country from the Barbaciis to the
Guambea is very low and woody, and the sea has many rocks
and sand shallows and at ten fathoms one is four leagues from
land and cannot see it owing to its lowness. This country,
extending to the said Rio de Guambea, is called Gibandor1 ; it
has a very large bay which on the SE forms a point running far
into the sea2. On this point there is a very large palm forest
which covers two leagues or more, and out at sea a league from
this point is a shallow of rock and sand which is called the
shallow of Santa Maria3, with not more than a fathom of water
over it ; it is very dangerous and some ships have been wrecked
there. This river is 130 5' north of the equator. High tide flows
NW and SE4. Half a league to the N of this palm forest is the
mouth of the river at the present time, and he who enters it must
sail E by S and in the deepest part he will find two and a half
fathoms at low tide and three and a half at full ; and it is note¬
worthy that the tide flows with such force in this river that it
runs up it 180 leagues and more5. 150 leagues from its mouth
is a district called Cantor6, where there are four towns, the
principal of which is called Sutucoo and has some four thousand
inhabitants ; the names of the other three are Jalancoo, Dobancoo
1 Jubandor in SerrSo Pimentel. Arte Practica de navegar, p. 254 (1681).
According to Richard Jobson (Purchas’ Pilgrims, book ix, chap. 13, para. 1,
Maclehose edition), the River Gambia was called by the natives "Gee, a
general name in their language for all rivers and waters . . . .** Gibandor
probably signifies "land of rivers.’'
* I.e. Bald Cape.
5 It is still called St Mary Shoal, vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 209.
4 Vide Introduction, pp. xxvi et seq.
5 According to the Africa Pilot, Part :, p. 21 r, the tidal influence extends
only as far as Yarbutenda, 250 miles from the mouth.
6 Cf. John Pory, op. cit. p. 81, and Diogo Gomes, "Die Handelsverbind-
ungen der Portugiesen mit Timbuktu im XV. Jahrhunderte,” by F. Kunst-
mann in the Abhandlungen der III. Classe der K. Bayerischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, VI. Band, 1850, p. 27.
88
GAMBIA RIVER
and Jamnamsura; they are all enclosed1 with wooden palisades
and are distant from the river half a league, a league and a league
and a half. At Sutucoo* is held a great fair, to which the
Mandinguas bring many asses ; these same Mandinguas, when
the country is at peace and there are no wars, come to our ships
(which at the bidding of our prince visit these parts) and buy
common red, blue and green cloth, kerchiefs, thin coloured
silk, brass bracelets, caps, hats, the stones called “ alaquequas5 ”
and much more merchandise, so that in time of peace, as we
have said, five and six thousand doubloons of good gold are
brought thence to Portugal. Sutucoo and these other towns
belong to the kingdom of Jalofo, but being on the frontier of
Mandingua they speak the language of Mandingua. This Rio
de Guambea divides the kingdom of Jalofo from the great
kingdom of Mandingua4, which in the language [of the Man¬
dinguas?5] is called “Encalhor,” as I have said above; Rio de
Guambea itself is called in the Mandingua tongue “Guabuu.”
When ascending the Guabuu the kingdom of Jalofo is on the
N and that of Mandingua on the S, extending nearly 200 leagues
in length and eighty in breadth. The king of Mandingua can
put into the field twenty thousand horsemen, and infantry with¬
out number6 for they take as many wives as they choose ; when
* Text corrupt.
* Richard Jobson’s “ Setico” ( vide Purchas' Pilgrims, vol. ix, pp. 289 et seq.,
Maclchosc edition). 5 I.e. bloodstones.
4 At the beginning of the fifteenth century two great empires divided the
supremacy of the western Sudan, the Mandinga and the Songhoy, the first
terminating the period of its ascendancy, the second on the eve of attaining
it. The Mandinga Empire exercised its influence, in some cases its direct
authority, over all the countries comprised between the Sahara to the north,
the forest to the south, the Atlantic on the west and the meridian 5° west 'on
the east. The Songhoy Empire was supreme eastwards of this meridian.
Although decline was already setting in upon the Mandinga Empire in
Pacheco's day it is quite apparent from his references that its power still
extended down to the lower Gambia. However, had he written a few years
later, he would have had a different story to tell, for in 1534 the “ Man&a ” of
Mandinga sent to John III of Portugal imploring his help against the en¬
croachments of his eastern neighbours. John replied by sending an ambas¬
sador! Twelve years later the Songhoy army advanced to the Mandinga
capital, the "Mansa" barely escaping with his life.
5 Lacuna. The context seems to require some such words as we have in¬
serted : in chap. 26, however, Pacheco says that Rio de Canagud is called
" Encalhor” in the vernacular. Vide supra, p. 78. . • Text corrupt.
THE SILENT BARTER
89
their king is very old and cannot govern or when he is afflicted
with a prolonged illness, they kill him and make one of his
sons or near relatives king. 200 leagues from this kingdom of
Mandingua is a region where there is abundance of gold ; it is
called Toom. The inhabitants of this region have the faces and
teeth of dogs and tails like dogs ; they are black and shun con¬
versation, not liking to see other men. The inhabitants of the
towns called Beetuu, Banbarranaa and Bahaa go to this country
of Toom to obtain gold in exchange for merchandise and slaves
which they take thither. Their mode of purchase is as follows :
he who wishes to sell a slave or other article goes to a certain
place appointed for the purpose and ties the slave to a tree and
makes a hole in the ground as large as he thinks fit, and then
goes some way off ; then the Dogface comes and if he is content
with the size of the hole he fills it with gold, and if not he covers
up the hole and makes another smaller one and goes away ; the
seller of the slave then returns and examines the hole made by
the Dogface and if he is satisfied he goes away again, and the
Dogface returns and fills the hole with gold. That is their mode
of commerce, both in slaves and other merchandise, and I have
spoken with men who have seen this1. The merchants of
Mandingua go to the fairs of Beetuu and Banbarranaa and
Bahaa to obtain gold from these monstrous folk.
Returning now to Rio de Guambea ; it contains water-horses’
larger than oxen, of every colour that ordinary horses have ; in
shape they are like oxen, with cloven feet, but in their neck, face,
hair, ears and flanks they are like horses; and on their neck they
have two small horns or teeth of two span’s length and thick as
a man’s arm. They live in the river, usually in the shallow parts
with the water up to their belly, but also in the depths when
they choose ; they also come ashore to graze and lie in the sun,
the majesty of great Nature thus providing for them both on
land and in water. There are also in this river many large
lizards*, some of them twenty-three and twenty-four feet from
head to tail; they live in the water and come ashore for pro-
* Vide Appendix No. 3.
* I.e. the hippopotamus. Cf. J. Pory, op. cit. p. 74.
3 I.e. crocodiles, vide supra , p. 82 note.
90 NATIVES OF THE GAMBIA
pagation, when they lay eggs under the sand much larger than
ducks’ eggs and when they are hatched they are a span in length
and at once enter the water and grow up there ; they are dangerous
and eat men and oxen and cows. Many other things concerning
the Rio de Guambea I omit because I am no friend of prolixity,
although it is no bad thing when satisfactorily employed. The
people of this country all speak the language of Mandingua and
follow the sect of Mahomet1 ; they wear blue cotton shirts and
drawers of the same material. They have many vices and take
as many wives as they like; lust is universal among them. They
are very great thieves, drunkards and liars and are ungrateful ;
all the badness of bad men is in them.
Chapter xxx
Concerning the voyage and landmarks from Rio de
Guambea to Cabo Roxo and Rio Grande.
Item. Rio de Guambea and Cabo Roxo lie N and S and
occupy twenty-five leagues of the route; half way there is a river
called Casamansa, the people on whose banks belong to Man¬
dingua. Here are some shallows of mud, with five or six
fathoms, running out two leagues into the sea, and at the end
of this mud there are shallows of sand with twelve and fifteen
fathoms, extending for four leagues. In this Rio de Casamansa
iron is greatly prized, and slaves are bartered for horses and
handkerchiefs and red cloths ; it is 120 35' north of the Equator.
I will not speak of the channel of this river, for it often changes ;
he who would enter it must take soundings at its bar to find the
deepest part. The tide in this river runs NW and SE. Twelve
leagues beyond Casamansa is Cabo Roxo; its landmark is a
reddish cliff at its extremity3, and it is 120 north of the Equator.
From the Guambea to Cabo Roxo the coast trends north and
south, as I have said above; but he who leaves Cabo Verde for
1 Cf. Cadamosto, op. cit. p. 163.
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part x, p. 228. Actually Cabo Roxo is 120 20' N.
JEB A RIVER 91
Cabo Roxo must steer SSE in order to make Cabo Roxo, the
distance being fifty-five leagues.
Item. Two leagues beyond Cabo Roxo is Falulo1, where rice
and meat are to be had in great abundance; five leagues beyond
Falulo is the Rio de S. Domingos1, which is subject greatly to
fever. Beyond S. Domingos is a small river called Rio das
Ancoras3, and a little more than a league beyond this is Rio
Grande4. It is not as large as the rivers of Qanagud and
Guambea but derives its name from its large mouth, which is
seven or eight leagues wide and contains five or six islands. He
who would go to the said Rio Grande should sail from Cabo
Verde to Cabo Roxo and from there coast along the land in order
to enter the Rio Grande.
i
Chapter xxxi
Concerning the Rio Grande.
Item. The Rio Grande has at its mouth five or six islands,
very low and full of woods, called the islands of BuamS; the
channels flowing between them are not very narrow, but in
places they have bad shallows of rock through which the tide
runs with great force. These channels are on the other side from
the principal entrance of this river, which is on the NW and
which runs east and west. The tidal waters flow in so strongly
that. . .leagues above its mouth there is a macareo where the
1 Bolola? — a large village standing on the beach on the west ,°LKa.2£
Bay. The breakers off the coast in this vicinity are still called Falulo, vide
Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 230.
J I.e. Mansoa River. Ancora Point and Ancora Isles still preserve the name.
♦ I.e. Jeba River. . .. „
J I.e. the Bissagos Isles, numbering thirteen in an.
« The name given by the Portuguese to the violent flux “d reflux ofthc
tide experienced in certain rivers in Africa and Asia akin to a tidal bore
Cadamosto, op. cit. pp. 178-9; Diogo Gomes (vide E. Prestage op at.
p. 132). The Africa Pilot (Part 1, p. 233). while making no reference j to . a udal
bore, speaks of strong tidal streams in the various channels of the Jcba Rive
and advises vessels to be on their guard.
1
92
JEB A RIVER
incoming tide raises the water twelve and fifteen fathoms and
runs with such violence that a ship at anchor there could only
escape being swamped by a miracle. The shallows of this Rio
Grande run out into the sea for thirty-five leagues, and he who
is this distance from land, with the mouth of the river to the
ENE, will, if he takes soundings, find sixty fathoms, and the
plumb-line will bring up a very fine grey sand, which will
indicate to the pilot that he is touching the shallows of this river.
If the wind drops and the tide begins to flow in strongly, when
he is at twenty-five fathoms, that is, six or seven leagues from
its mouth, he should immediately anchor or tack out to sea, if
the wind allows, for from twenty fathoms to the shore there are
many reefs of rock, some of them visible above water and some
not, and the violent current of the tide here can throw any ship
upon these reefs, where it will be lost as others before it. On
reaching the channel of this river he will find a muddy bottom
from fifteen fathoms to the shore. The whole of this coast is very
low and woody and difficult to recognise1. The channel of this
river at high tide is eight or nine fathoms deep, and the tide
flows NW and SE; the latitude of the river is ii° north of the
Equator3, the city of Calicut in India being on the same parallel3.
The pilot coasting along the land or out at sea who finds himself
at a latitude of 1 1° will know that he is opposite the Rio Grande.
I he inhabitants of this country are Guoguliis4 and Beafares* and
are subjects of the King of the Mandinguas ; they are very black,
many of them go naked, others wTear a cotton cloth. Six or seven
slaves are here bartered for one horse of small value, and there
is a little gold, which is bartered for red cloth and the stones
called bloodstones because they staunch blood. These people
possess a great abundance of rice, maize, yams6, hens, cows and
goats. They are Moslems and worship Mahomet and are
circumcised but they know* neither shame nor the fear of God.
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 245. * Approximately ir" 30' N.
1 Actually :z° 15' N.
4 The Golos of Western Liberia? {vide M. Dclafos.se, Negroes of Africa, p. 95) .
5 The Biafadas of Portuguese Guinea? (vide M. Delafosse, Negroes of
Africa, p. 95; cf. Gulf of Biafra).
“ ^ nharncs ” in the Portuguese, the name given to the various species of
Dioscorea. They are herbs or under-shrubs with fleshy tuberous roots which
arc used os substitutes for potatoes where they grow.
93
Chapter xxxii
Concerning the rivers beyond Rio Grande and some of its
tributary rivers and also the routes and landmarks as far
as Serra Lyoa.
From Rio Grande to Serra Lyoa there are two courses; one of
these is to sail SE from the mouth of the river inside the islands,
but few pilots know this country and the voyage should be made
by day, anchoring at night; the other is outside the islands in
the open sea, as we shall state. Within this Rio Grande is a river
called Buguubaa1 * and the negroes along it are Beafares and
Guoguliis. Ten leagues beyond Buguubaa to the SE along the
coast is another river, by name Nanuus3, the inhabitants of this
region bearing the same name ; six leagues farther on is another
river called Rio dos Pescadores3 and five leagues farther on a
river called Pichel4 5 ; still farther beyond is another called Nuno5,
where there is much ivory. The landmark of this river is a small
islet at its mouth. Two leagues beyond this river is Cabo da
Vcrga6, fairly high and covered with woods. The coast from
Rio Grande to Cabo da Verga lies NW by N and SE by S and
occupies thirty-five leagues. This country is very low and difficult
to recognise; the bottom is foul with great reefs of rock and on
that account very dangerous, so that it should only be navigated
by day, standing-to by night; for greater security it should only
be done in small vessels of from 25 to 30 tons, for a larger ship
will run the risk of being wrecked. All the negroes of this
country are idolaters, and although they are ignorant of the
law, they are circumcised ; this is due to the fact that they are
neighbours of the Mandinguas and other peoples who are
1 I.c. Buba River.
* Cassini River (?).
5 Kassat River (?) — really only an arm of the sea.
4 Componi River (?).
5 I.e. Nunez River, the island off its mouth is Gonsalvez Island.
4 According to the Africa Pilot, Cape Vcrga is 20 miles beyond Nunez
River (Part 1, p. 251).
NATIVE ECONOMY
94
Mohammedans. One race of these negroes is called the Ban-
hauus1 * 3, another the Capes* and another the Jaalunguas^; they
are numerous and have a king whom they call Jaalomansa. At
a place called Famenda a fair is held, and here there is much
traffic in gold. These Jaalunguas have no coast towns and dwell
in the interior; there are other negroes in this country called
Guoguliis. In all this country along the coast there is a certain
amount of gold, for which we barter bloodstones, yellow and
green beads, tin, linen, brass bracelets, red cloth and basins such
as barbers use, and we obtain many slaves here in exchange for
such merchandise. The houses in this country are thatched huts
and the inhabitants are usually at war with one another; they
possess elephants, ounces and various other animals and birds
of strange kinds ; they live on rice and maize and other vegetables,
and also meat and fish, of which there is an abundance. The
route beyond Rio Grande of which we have spoken above is
from the mouth of that river and its islands to the SE along
the coast.
Item. To the W by N of Cabo da Verga ten leagues out to
sea is a small island called Alcatrazes4 5, with bad anchorage
round it.
Item. From Cabo da Verga to Cabo de Sagres is eighteen
leagues, and this coast lies NW by N and SE by S ; on its SE
side5 this Cabo de Sagres has a large bay6 7 with a good clean
anchorage in twelve and thirteen fathoms. In front of this cape,
a league out at sea, are two small islands with an islet near them,
which we call Ilhas dos Idolos?. The name is due to the fact
that the negroes of this country, when they go to these islands
to sow their rice, take with them the idols they worship ; when
this country was discovered many of these idols were found
there and they received this name of Ilhas dos Idolos. On the
1 The Banyoun tribe? ( vide M. Delafosse, op. at. pp. 95-6).
1 The Tiapi tribe? (vide M. DcJafosse, op. cit. pp. 95-6).
3 The negroes of Fouta-Djallon? (vide M. Delafosse, op. cit. pp. 95-6).
4 I.e. Alcatraz Island (io° 38' N., 150 23' W.).
5 Actually the bay is to the north of Cabo de Sagres (i.e. Tumbo or Tombo
Island). Vide Africa Pilot, Part r, p. 255.
6 Sangaria Bay.
7 I.e. the lies de Los. In all there are eight of them.
RIVERS OF SIERRA LEONE
95
larger of these islands1, on the southern side there is a beach
with an excellent spring of fresh water, where at low water ships
or their crews can take in water; at high tide the spring is
covered. There is also plenty of wood here, and out at sea near
these islands at thirty-five and forty fathoms there is good
fishing. He who goes to these islands should guard against the
negroes, for they are very bad people and have arrows which
they poison with a marvellous herb; they have already killed
some of our men here. Inland on the mainland opposite these
islands there is a very high mountain range which we call the
Serra de Brapam2, but the negroes give it another name ; it has
a huge gap in its centre which divides it into two parts. This
range, Cabo de Sagres and Ilhas dos Idolos all lie in the same
parallel, 90 north of the Equator. Ships can anchor round these
two Ilhas dos Idolos in eight or nine fathoms on a good muddy
bottom a little over half a league from shore.
Item. Seven leagues beyond these Ilhas dos Idolos is a river
called Cristal3. At its mouth to the SE are some tall trees and
to the N is a cliff of rock, close to which is the entrance to this
river; it has a channel of three fathoms at high tide.
Item. Four leagues beyond Rio de Cristal is another river
called Caabite4, which has a wide mouth and a dense grove of
trees above it on the northern side. As the channel of this and
many other rivers of this country is liable to change, the deepest
water not always being in the same place, it is advisable to take
soundings at the bar before entering the river. All this country
is very hot and is densely wooded.
Item. Five leagues beyond Caabite is a river called Tamara?,
which has a grove of thick, tall trees on the northern side of its
entrance ; as the bar often changes and the entrance is rendered
dangerous by the presence of many sandy shoals, it is important
that anyone entering the river should take soundings at the bar.
Item. Four leagues beyond Tamara is another river called
Case6, and a little over a league from its entrance is a village
1 I.e. Tamara Island.
* The range of mountains terminating in Mount Kakuiima.
* I.e. Manea River. 4 Morcbaia River (?).
J Forikaria River (?). * I.e. Mellakori River.
96 COUNTRY OF SIERRA LEONE
called Enquee, of some three hundred inhabitants. At the mouth
of this Rio de Case is an island1 and to the NW of it there are
also some very tall trees; shallows extend from its mouth into
the sea a good league and a half with, in places, two and a half
and three fathoms and at its deepest five or six; the sea often
breaks on them. He who would enter this river should take
soundings at the bar, for it is dangerous and difficult and ships
have sometimes been wrecked here. All the country- from
Tamara to Case inland is divided by many channels and arms
of water connecting up one river with another and along these
small vessels can sail. The people of this river are called
Teymenes, and here very fine gold is obtainable but only m
small quantities, likewise slaves. Both gold and slaves are
bartered for brass basins and brass bracelets, bloodstones, red
cloth, linen and cotton cloths; and in this country they make
beautiful mats of palm-leaf and necklaces of ivory. The coast
from Ilhas dos Idolos to Case lies WNW and ESE and occupies
twelve leagues of the route.
Item Six leagues beyond the Rio de Case are some red clins
which adjoin the sea1 and the beautiful Serra Lyoa and they
extend for three leagues or more; all this coast from Cabo Verde
to Serra Lyoa, a distance of nearly 200 leagues, is thickly
populated, low-lying, well-wooded and difficult to discern. Near
these red cliffs, where they adjoin Serra Lyoa, is a river called
Bintonbo3, from which shallows of sand extend a league or more
into the sea and at low tide many islets of sand appear above the
water. Two leagues above the mouth of the said Rio dc Bintonbo
is a village called Tanguarim, of about 200 inhabitants; three
leagues farther up the most serene King John II ordered a
fortress to be built, and later for certain reasons he ordered it to
be pulled down. All the negroes from Rio Grande to Serra Lyoa
are idolaters and are circumcised without knowing why, except
that some say that it is done for cleanliness, while others say that
they would not be able to beget children if they were un-
1 I.e. Tanna Island {vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 264).
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 268. . , OM
J I.e. Sierra Leone River, which, in reality, is only an arm of the sea
receives the waters of several streams, the principal being the Rokel.
that
NATIVES OF SIERRA LEONE
97
circumcised and others say that it was the custom of their
fathers x ; but it is probable that the chief reason why they fall
into this error is that the Jalofos, Mandinguas and Tucuroees
are Mohammedans and are circumcised by their law, and the
Beafares beyond them in the same way, and as they are neigh¬
bours of the inhabitants of Serra Lyoa they have taken this
custom of circumcision from one another. As we always make
our voyage from the Ilhas dos Idolos to the said Serra along the
coast we will now give their position with regard to one another.
Item. Ilhas dos Idolos and the extremity of Serra Lyoa
called Cabo Ledoa lie NW and SE and occupy eighteen leagues
of the route ; all the inhabitants along this coast between these
islands and the said Serra are called Teymenes; they call gold
“tebongo” and water “mancha” and rice “maaloo.”
Chapter xxxiii
Concerning Serra Lyoa and how the virtuous Prince
Henry's discoveries began at Cabo de Nam and ended there.
Following the plan of this work, we must tell of the character of
the inhabitants of Serra Lyoa and of their way of living. The
greater part of the inhabitants of this land are called Boulooes3,
a very warlike people and rarely at peace ; they call gold ‘ ‘ emloan ”
and water “men.” Sometimes these negroes eat one another,
but this is less usual here than in other parts of Ethiopia ; they
are all idolaters and sorcerers and are ruled by witchcraft,
x Text corrupt.
* Literally “Joyous Cape ” ; it was so named by Pedro de Sintra “ on account
of the beauty and verdure of the country ” (vide Cadamostorop. cit. pp. 1 87-8).
s The Bulom tribe of the Sierra Leone littoral, one of the many backward
and half-savage tribes who have been driven to the shores of die Atlantic
Ocean by the Mandinga and Fulani migrations. Their numbers, in common
with all the coastal negro tribes, have been decimated by slave-raiding ( vide
M. Dclafosse, op. cit. p. 95). According to Villaut de Bellefond ( Relation des
C6tes d’Afriqiu appeUes Guinie, chap. 4) the whole country of Sierra Leone
was called Boulom by the Moors.
HK
7
NATIVE TRADE AND HABITS
98
placing1 implicit faith in oracles and omens. In this country
there is gold in small quantity, which the Boulooes barter for
salt. They take the salt to a place called Coya3, whence the gold
comes ; it is very fine, of nearly twenty-three carats. We obtain
it in exchange for brass bracelets and basins of the size barbers
use, linen, red cloth, bloodstones, cotton cloths and other
articles. The teeth of these negroes are filed and sharp as those
of a dog3. In this land they make ivory necklaces more delicately
carved than in any other country, also very fine and beautiful
mats of palm-leaf which they call “ bicas.” In this country are
many elephants and ounces and many other animals such as are
not to be found in Spain nor in any other country of Europe.
Here, as well, are wild men, whom the ancients called satyrs4.
They are covered with hairs almost as coarse as the bristles of
a pig; they seem human and lie with their wives after our
fashion, but instead of speaking they shout when they are hurt.
As they dwell in the fastnesses of this Serra they can rarely be
captured except when very young. I omit many other things
concerning them in order to avoid prolixity. All the negroes of
this country are naked or wear loin-cloths of cotton ; there are
no stone buildings in this Serra, the dwelling places being simply
thatched huts. Twelve or fifteen leagues from the sea inland is
a race of men called Sousos* ; they possess much iron, which
they bring to Serra Lyoa and other parts and make a good profit.
Many believe that Serra Lyoa is so-called because there are lions
here, but this is not so, for Pero de Sintra, a knight of Prince
Henry’s household, who discovered Serra Lyoa at the prince’s
* Text corrupt. * Cayor (?), Gao (?): cf. book n, chap. 2.
J The practice of filing the teeth is still widespread among the negro
peoples of Central Africa {vide J. H. Weeks, Among Congo Cannibals, p. 141).
* These people would appear to be identical with "the savage people” of
Hanno’s Southern Horn. They were covered with hair and when pursued
defended themselves with stones. The interpreters called them "gorillas”
{vide Periplxis, chap. 18). While it is disputable whether they were a primitive
race of human beings, or, as seems more likely, a species of the primates,
there can be no doubt whatever that they were not gorillas, for these powerful
apes are not found in Sierra Leone, they are native only to the Congo-
Cameroons region of West Africa. Warmington {Ancient Explorers, p. 51) is
inclined to identify them with chimpanzees — " a tailless tribe, and eminently
anthropoid.”
* Vide book II, chap. 5, p. 120 note.
COAST OF SIERRA LEONE
99
bidding, seeing that it was a wild, rough country, called it the
Lioness, and there was no other reason; and there can be no
doubt of this, for he told me so himself1.
Item. Serra Lyoa has a point called Cabo Ledo, where
there is a shoal of rock, a good gunshot or more from the shore,
which rises one. . .* or more above the water; between this shoal
and the land there is a channel with seven or eight fathoms of
water. Hard by this shoal there are four fathoms of water and
any ship can sail up this channel without danger. If when you
are in front of Cabo Ledo you steer inland ENE a league along
the coast, you will discover a bay with reddish sand3. Here there
is a very tall large tree and close at hand a stream of excellent
fresh water. To the right there is a bay which has a creek with
black sand ; here is a good flat beach with room for fifteen or
twenty ships to be repaired. In all this Serra there is much
fish, rice, maize, hens, capons, and a few cows and other cattle ;
but whoever comes here must guard against the negroes, for they
are very bad people and shoot with poisoned arrows. Serra Lyoa
is 8° north of the Equator4; these degrees are the number of
degrees the Arctic Pole is above the horizon. As there is a more
direct route from Cabo Verde to this Serra, by the open sea, we
will describe it here.
Item. He who leaves Cabo Verde for Serra Lyoa must sail
south eighty leagues ; he will then be opposite the shallows of
Rio Grande and n° north of the Equator, and the mouth of
Rio Grande will be to the ENE 35 leagues off; here he will find
depths of from 50 to 60 fathoms and a bottom of a very fine
ash-coloured sand. From here he must sail ESE 120 leagues
when he will arrive at Serra Lyoa. Twenty leagues before
reaching it, the soundings reveal red coarse sand mixed with
small pebbles, the bottom of the sea all round the Serra being
of this kind ; there is good fishing of sea-bream here. The pilot
1 Cadamosto, who relates Pedro de Sintra’s expeditions, says that the
mountain was called Sierra Leone "on account of the thunder which was
constantly heard on its cloud-capped summit" (op. cit. p. 188).
* Lacuna. Judging by the description of this locality in the Africa Pilot
(Part 1, p. 269) the sense of the original is restored by the insertion of the
word " covado ” (i.e. three-quarters of a yard).
5 I.e. Cockerill Bay. 4 Actually 8° 30' N.
7-2
IOO
DISCOVERY OF MADEIRA
who goes to this country should have a stout sail on his ship,
since there are frequently heavy thunderstorms here, accom¬
panied by very strong winds1 ; the best course is to furl sail till
the storm passes. In this country there are large canoes made
from a single tree, many of which carry fifty men; they use
them for war and other purposes. The country is full of woods
which extend for nearly a thousand leagues along the coast ; it
is also very hot all the year round*, and in this connection we
may note that Alfragano states that winter and summer with the
Ethiopians are of the same character3. At this point the dis¬
coveries undertaken by the virtuous Prince Henry came to
an end.
Many are the benefits conferred upon this realm of Portugal
by the virtuous Prince Henry, for in the year of Our Lord 1420
he discovered the island of Madeira4 and ordered it to be
peopled, and he sent to Sicily for sugar-canes and planted them
in Madeira, and for skilled men to teach the Portuguese how to
make sugar5, as a result of which this island now yields thirty
thousand gold crusados6 to the Order of Christ. Further, he
sent to Majorca for Master Jacome?, a skilled maker of charts— it
was in this island that these charts were first made— and by
1 Cf. W. G. Kendrew, Climates of the Continents, p. 37-
* Only 4° F. separate the coolest and the hottest months ; 79 F. (August
and September), 83° F. (February and March).
1 Rudimenta Astronomica, chap. 6, edited by J. Hispalensis, 1546.
« Pacheco is wrong here, for several Catalan and Italian maps of the
fourteenth century (e.g. Catalan Atlas, 1375. Pizzigani portolan chart, 1367)
portray it, and the author of the fourteenth-century Libro del Conosctmiento
de todos lot reynos y tierras refers to it {vide Hakluyt Society edition entitled
Book of the Knowledge..., p. 29). Moreover Pacheco is almost alone in
attributing its discovery to the Portuguese. Antonio GalvSo {Discoveries of
the World, p. 58) and others after him maintained that an Englishman by the
name of Machin “was driven by a tempest to that island ” in 1344, but their
view is not very well supported at the present time. Zurara, who is usually
explicit, merely writes “of how the island of Madeira was peopled” by the
Zarco expedition of 1420 (op. at. chap. 83). The official documents relating
to the expedition {vide Alguns Documentos. p. 7) speak of Zarco and his
colleagues simply as colonisers; this concurs with Diogo Gomes’s statement
(vide E. Prestage, op. at. p. 38) and may be taken as a fairly conclusive
argument for the discovery of the island prior to 1420.
5 Cf. Barros, Asia, Decade I, book i, chap. 3*
* The value of the crusado was originally 325 reis, vide Prologue, book II.
7 According to a recent Portuguese investigation (Gon9alo de Reparaz,
Mestre jacome de Malhorca), Jacome is to be identified with Jahuda Cresques,
son of Abraham Cresques, author of the Catalan Atlas of 1375 which is the
earliest surviving example of Catalan cartography. (The A. Dulcerto portolan
ACHIEVEMENTS OF PRINCE HENRY
101
many gifts and favours brought him to these realms, where he
taught his skill to men who in turn taught men who are alive
at the present time. Further, he ordered the peopling of the
islands of the Azores1, which of old were called Guorguonas*.
All this and many other good things, which I need not relate,
were done by this virtuous prince, besides discovering Guinea
as far as Serra Lyoa. For greater clearness we have placed here
a painting of Serra Lyoa, made on the spot ; and here ends the
first book. We must therefore pray God for his soul; he died
on the 13th of November in the year 1460 and is buried in the
monastery of Santa Maria da Vitoria da Batalha, in the chapel
of King John his father. The benefits conferred on Portugal by
the virtuous Prince Henry are such that its kings and people
are greatly indebted to him, for in the country which he dis¬
covered a great part of the Portuguese people now earn their
livelihood and the Kings of Portugal derive great profit from
this commerce ; for, from the Rio de Qanagud on the frontier of
the kingdom of Jalofo, where are the first negroes (as we have
stated at the end of the 27th chapter of this book) to Serra Lyoa
inclusive, when the trade of this country was well ordered, it
yielded yearly 3,500 slaves and more, many tusks of ivory, gold,
fine cotton cloths and much other merchandise. Therefore we
must pray God for the soul of Prince Henry, for his discovery
of this land led to the discovery of the other Guinea beyond
Serra Lyoa and to the discovery of India, whose commerce
brings us an abundance of wealth. Aqui mapa.
chart of 1339 which professes to have been made “in civitate maioricarum ”
is largely a copy of the Genoese chart of A. Dalorto of 1325.) Now while it is
clearly unreasonable to suppose that this map was the first of that provenance
— its wealth of accurate description and its technique point to its being the
work of an experienced cartographer — yet there is no conclusive evidence
for holding Majorca, or any of the Balearic Isles, to be the birth-place of the
portolan chart. Indeed the oldest extant portolan charts all derive from
various parts of Italy (e.g. the Pisan chart c. a.d. 1300, the Carignano chart
c. 1300, and the Vesconte maps of c. 1311-21). It needs to be borne in mind
none the less that these early maps are all of a pattern which may perhaps have
received its form elsewhere in the Mediterranean.
1 According to Zurora, the colonisation of these islands began in 1445 (op.
cit. chap. 83).
* I.e. the Gorgodes (or Gorgones) of antiquity. They figure commonly in
mediaeval writings and maps : e.g. Lambert’s “ mappamundi” inLiber Floridus.
It is by no means certain that they are identifiable with any of the Atlantic
archipelagoes— certainly not with the Azores, which were unknown in classical
times ; cf. Antonio GalvSo, op. cit. pp. 73-4.
SECOND
BOOK
The beginning of the second book of the
Esmcraldo De Situ Orbis, describing the discoveries
of the most serene Prince , King Afonso V of
Portugal. Here follows , firstly , the Prologue.
We were greatly to be blamed did we not relate what we can
remember of the things we have seen in our time and what we
can with truth set forth, for those are still alive whose glory
deserves to last as long as the knowledge of their great achieve¬
ments endures; such princes deserve fame and praise befitting
their deeds, and although this applies to all, it is especially true
of those whose deeds are worthy of our notice. Therefore we
must not forget the late most serene prince, King Afonso V
of Portugal, for we have seen what an excellent and truly
magnanimous man he was and what immortality he gained for
himself, for which reasons his fame should be perpetuated. But
since time and change obscure and obliterate our knowledge of
things, we must make a record of this serene sire so that his
fame may endure from generation to generation. For he ruled
these realms for thirty-two years1 in justice and equity and was
not less praised for the feats of arms which he performed than
in the government of the State which he ever greatly honoured.
The truth compels us to assert that he was an eminent and
exceedingly liberal-hearted man ; Our Lord endowed him with
such grace and nobility of character that he was universally
loved by his subjects for his goodness. His fame spreading
through many provinces and regions, the Holy Father Pope
Pius II elected him as captain for the Church and Christendom
of a large fleet which he was equipping against the Turks and
1 From 1449 to 1481. King Duarte died in 1438 while Alfonso, the heir
apparent, was still a boy of six. From 1438 to 1440 his mother was Regent
and from 1440 to 1449 Prince Pedro, Duarte’s brother.
104 CONQUESTS OF ALFONSO V
for which he granted a holy indulgence and crusade1. To cele¬
brate this, this most serene King Afonso was the first in these
realms to order the coining of “crusados” of fine gold to pay
the men in this holy war. (The value of each crusado was
originally 325 reis.) Owing, however, to the death of the Holy
Father this expedition was not carried out.
In the service of God this virtuous Prince crossed the sea in
person to Africa with a large fleet and army, and captured the
town of Alcacere Ciguer from the Moors on the 19th of October
in the year of Our Lord 14581. Later, on the 24th of August of
the year 1471 3, he captured the town of Arzila, the Moors
sustaining a great loss of life ; in their fear all the inhabitants of
the very strong and ancient city of Tanger fled and left it
desolate, whereupon this excellent prince ordered it to be taken
and peopled. All of these things we saw, with many other great
* In 1453 Constantinople fell into the hands of the Turks; the Pope —
Calixtus III (not Pius II as Pacheco seems to think) — fearing that worse was
to follow, summoned ail the princes of Europe to a general crusade against
the infidels. In 1456 a special legate, the Bishop of Silves, was sent to
Alfonso V by Calixtus with the bull of the crusade. The king warmly
approved the plan and promised 12,000 men at his own cost. He also struck,
with the view of making Portuguese money of more value in the foreign
countries through which his march would lie, a new piece of gold money
which had a cross on one side. This was the "crusado." In no country was
enthusiasm for the defence of the Christian faith stronger than in Portugal :
but the zeal which animated King Alfonso was inadequate, with his limited
resources, to contend against the Turks, unless the Pope’s appeal was warmly
responded to by other sovereigns. Such, however, was not the case, for they
failed to answer the rallying call, and after the death of Calixtus in 1458 the
crusade came to nothing.
1 As soon as it became apparent to Alfonso that po help would be forth¬
coming from other monarchs, he decided to carry his "crusaders" into
Africa. His first intention was to attack Tangier, but eventually he made
El-Qsar es Sgir his objective. He reached this town on 21 October (not 19th)
1458, and after a brief, but very decisive, engagement entered it on foot
with his uncle Prince Henry. It was held against great odds for some ninety
years (until 1549).
3 Alfonso’s success at El-Qsar cs Sgir encouraged him to dream of large
African possessions and on more than one occasion between 1458 and r47i
he attempted to take Tangier without success. In 1471, however, the king
decided to renew the crusade and attack Arzila. The city was taken without
much difficulty but the Moors lost 2000 men and had some 5000 taken
prisoner. One unexpected outcome of the capture of Arzila was the abandon¬
ment of Tangier. The inhabitants of that city finding themselves between two
Portuguese strongholds decided to save their lives by fleeing before any
possible attack might be launched upon them.
SHERBRO’ RIVER I05
achievements, but it is vain to record in so base a style the deeds
of so high a prince. We need only say that after the death of
Prince Henry he succeeded to the enterprise of the Ethiopias
of Guinea and ordered the discoveries to be continued beyond
Serra Lyoa. In order that our memory of him might be the
more enduring we have drawn here the “ Rodizio1” which he
used as his device, with his motto “Jamays.” He died in the
town of Sintra on the 28th of August in the year of Our Lord
Jesus Christ 1481*.
Chapter i
of the second hook of the Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis.
Six leagues SSE of Cabo Ledo in Serra Lyoa appear three islets
called Ilhas Bravas*, on the largest of which is an excellent spring
of fresh water. From there onwards the coast forms a very large
bay, twenty-five leagues round or more (as appears in the figure
beyond the “Rodizio”), which we call Fuma de Santa Anna;
into this flow many rivers, the principal being called the Rio das
Ganboas4; this river and the Ilhas Bravas lie E and W and
occupy eight leagues of the route. At the mouth of this river is
a great reef of rock which runs along the shore for a good half
league; the channel of the river has a muddy bottom, with three
fathoms at high tide. Small vessels can sail a league up it to
a place called Harhouche, where some gold and slaves are
bartered for bloodstones, brass bracelets, red cloth, linen, brass
basins and other things of this kind. The whole of this Fuma de
* Alfonso’s device was a mill-wheel with drops of water scattered round it,
symbolical of his love for his wife and regret at her death, which is further
shown by the motto “Jamays ” : he could never forget her (E. Prestage, op. cit.
p. 178). His wife, Isobel, whom he married in 1446 (or 1447) died in 1449
almost immediately after the death of her father, Don Pedro, Alfonso’s uncle.
1 The existing MSS. read 1471.
3 I.e. Banana Isles — “a group of three islands with the appearance, from a
distance of 10 miles, of a few sharp peaks. . ." ( Africa Pilot, Part r, p. 275);
hence the name “bravas” (meaning “wild”).
4 I.e. Sherbro’ River, the mouth of which is troubled by the Bengal Rocks
and numerous shoals (vitU Africa Pilot, Part I, pp. 277-8).
CAPE ST ANN
106
Santa Anna is beset with many shallows of rock and sand1, and
a ship bound for Malagueta or Mina without having to touch
here should take another course, according to the directions that
follow. All the inhabitants of this country' are called Boulooes.
Aqui mapa.
Item. If a ship of about thirty-five tons has to go from Cabo
Ledo in Serra Lyoa to the coast of Malagueta or Mina it should
sail SSW and will double Cabo de Santa Anna in eight or nine
fathoms at a distance of six leagues from the shore ; but a large
ship should steer SW when it will be in twelve and fifteen
fathoms, and when it is in thirty fathoms it must sail ESE ; in
this way it will arrive at a cape called Cabo do Monte which is
thirty leagues beyond Cabo de Santa Anna. Thence one can sail
to the coast of Malagueta or of Mina, as we shall explain below.
This Cabo de Santa Anna is very low-lying land and has three
islets3 at its point; the land within the bay is intersected by an
arm of the sea, which extends to Rio das Palmas, the cape thus
forming an island called Turulo*. From Cabo Ledo in Serra
Lyoa to this Cabo de Santa Anna is sixteen leagues and the
latitude of this cape is 70 north 4. The shape of this country will
be seen from the illustration and painting.
Item. Cabo de Santa Anna and Rio das Palmas lie E and W
and occupy twelve leagues of the route. The channel of this
river changes two and three times a year 5, so that I can say
nothing certain about it ; I can only state that it has many sand
shallows at its mouth and that he who would enter must for
safety’s sake take soundings at its bar. Alternatively he may enter
the Fuma de Santa Anna by an arm of the sea running along
the island of Turulo and so reach the said Rio das Palmas, as
may be seen in our illustration and painting. The land to the
SE at the mouth of this river is a little higher than that at the
mouth of the other one we spoke of above. If he sails up this
' I.e. the shoals of St Ann (vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 277).
* The three islets lying off Cape St Ann are the Turtle Islands.
J I.e. Sherbro’ Island ; cf. S. Pimentel, Arte Pratica, p. 253, where the
island is called Farulho.
* Actually 70 34' N. In his list of latitudes (book I, chap. 7) Pacheco gives
the latitude as 70 20'.
5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 282.
THE MIDDLE ATLANTIC COASTS ON AN ITALIAN CHART OF c. 1508
British Museum. Egerton MS. 2803
7*
GALLINAS RIVER
107
river for twenty-five leagues1 in a small vessel of thirty or thirty-
five tons, he will find seven villages, and beyond them a large
town of five or six thousand inhabitants, called Quynamo*. In
two months here it is possible to obtain 1,500 doubloons for
such merchandise as I mentioned in chapter i* and also for tin,
which* is much prized here. It is also possible to buy some
slaves here for the same merchandise ; but it is necessary to be
on guard against the negroes of this country, for they are very
evil people and attack our ships in great canoes. They are called
Boulooes, and their country is rich in rice and other produce
but very subject to fevers.
Chapter ii
Concerning the Rio das Galinhas [and the land beyond].
All the country from Rio das Palmas along the coast to Rio das
Galinhas5 is very low and wooded ; it is hot throughout the year.
The winter begins in May and ends in October6, when there is
much rain, but also sultry heat for, as Alfragano says, in the
land of the Ethiopians winter and summer are the same in
character?, the reason being that a part of Ethiopia lies on the
Equator and a part near it ; it is because of this that it is so hot.
Rio das Galinhas and Rio das Palmas lie E by S and W by N and
occupy twelve leagues of the route. But since this Rio das
Galinhas yields no profit I will not make bold to speak of it.
Item. Rio das Galinhas and Cabo do Monte lie NW by W
and SE by E and occupy fifteen leagues. This Cabo do Monte is
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part X, p. 282.
* Quimanora, in S. Pimentel, op. cit. p. 263.
s Book ii, chap, x, para. i. 4 Text corrupt.
5 I.e. Gallinas River.
4 The word “ winter” is unfortunate (as Pacheco appears to realise from the
following statement), for the difference between the highest and lowest
monthly mean temperatures is only 5° F. At Freetown the range is from
77-4° to 82-2°. The lowest temperatures occur during the rainy season, which
commences in April and lasts until November. On the coast, e.g. at Freetown,
as much as 175 inches fall during these months.
7 Vide book 1, chap. 33, p. 100 note.
108 CAPES MOUNT AND MESURADO
fairly high1, and when it is seen to the NE by E, its summit
appears as two ; it is the only mountain on this coast. The sea
round it is deep, with 45 and 50 fathoms a league from shore,
the bottom being nearly all mud. Half a league beyond Cabo do
Monte to the W is a river which we call Rio dos Monos3, but
others give it a different name. Although its mouth is fairly wide
it cannot be seen unless one is close to the shore; the channel
of this river is very shallow, with a depth of a span more than
a fathom at high tide, so that only a very small vessel can enter it.
Ascending it about thirty leagues you will come to a region
called Coyah whence comes all the gold to Serra Lyoa and its
region; it is very fine gold of 23 carats. Salt is much prized
here, but tin and other merchandise of similar value, much
more. The people of this country are called Cobales.
Item. From Cabo do Monte to Cabo Mesurado is twelve
leagues. Cabo Mesurado has the shape of a round hill, but
when you are in front of it, it appears to be bifurcated, there
being one hillock on one side, and another on the other. Its
latitude is 6° 20' north of the Equator4 and the coast here runs
NW by W and SE by E.
Item. From Cabo Mesurado to the forest of Santa Maria*
is two leagues; this forest is very large and dense, and at this
point there begins the trade in “malagueta” (which, in Latin,
is called “grana paradisy ”)6 ; and it continues for forty leagues
along the coast.
Item. From the forest of Santa Maria to Rio de Sam Paulo 7
is six leagues, and at this river gold of 23 carats quality is found,
* I.e. Cape Mount. According to Pedro de Sintra the cape was so named
because he saw a very lofty mountain beyond it (vide Cadamosto, op. cit.
pp. 191-2).
1 I.e. Cape Mount River (vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 284).
J Chouxcha in S. Pimentel, op. at. p. 263.
4 Actually Cape Mesurado is 6° 19' N.
5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 286.
6 Maleguette pepper (the same as “guinea grains,” “grains of Paradise”
and “alligator pepper”) is the seed of Amomtcm Melegueta, a plant of the
ginger family: the seeds arc exceedingly pungent and are used as a spice
throughout central and northern Africa. John Pory (op. cit. p. 78) describes
it thus : " a little red grain which there groweth, being in shape somewhat like
to the millet of Italy, but of a most vehement and fiery taste.”
7 I.e. St Paul River.
CESTOS RIVER
IO9
although in small quantity. At this point there commence some
fairly high mountains which we call the mountains of Sam
Paulo x, because these mountains and this river were discovered
on the day of the Apostle Sam Paulo ; they run along the coast
to the east for six or seven leagues at about two leagues’ distance
from the seashore. The landmark of the Rio de Sam Paulo is
that it is at the beginning of these mountains; the coast runs
NW and ESE, and the course is two leagues at sea from the
mouth of this river.
Item. From Rio de S. Paulo to Rio do Junco* is six leagues.
This river has an islet at its mouth; here, too, there is gold in
small quantity and likewise malagueta.
Item. From Rio do Junco to Rio dos Cestos* is twelve
leagues; its name is due to the fact that the negroes of this
country come to the ships to sell pepper (which is very good and
fairly plentiful here) in baskets, which they do not do elsewhere
on the coast where this pepper is sold. Ships should, for safety’s
sake, anchor in ten to twelve fathoms and so be on a muddy
bottom a league from land opposite the mouth of this Rio dos
Cestos ; but at twenty to twenty-five fathoms the bottom is foul
with rock. The mouth of this river is very small and is only
visible by those entering the bay4 which the coast makes there;
to the east there is a spur of rock which runs out as a reef into
the sea and it is called Cabo das Baixas*. The latitude of the
Rio dos Cestos is 50 30' N of the Equator6. The inhabitants
of this country and of twenty-five leagues or more beyond are
called Zeguebos. Half a league beyond the mouth of this river,
at the Cabo das Baixas of which we have spoken, there is a fairly
dense grove of trees. Such are the landmarks of this river. In
the same parallel lies the castle of S. Jorze da Mina. The Rio
dos Cestos and the Rio do Junco lie SE by E and NW by W and
occupy twelve leagues of the route.
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 286.
* I.e. Junk River.
s This name is still retained; the word signifies large wicker-baskets.
« I.e. Cestos Bay. 5 I.e- Cestos Reef.
6 Cestos Point is 5° 26' N.
IIO
Chapter iii
of the second book of the Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis.
For order and clearness in the series of landmarks and routes
along this coast, we will describe in detail the places and such
particulars concerning them as we may think good.
Item. Three leagues beyond the Rio dos Cestos is a small
island a quarter of a league from land called Ilha da Palma *, a
name derived from the palm-tree which is still there in our day.
We do not navigate between the island and the land, for con¬
ditions do not admit of it ; but if anyone wishes to anchor here
in a small vessel he may do so in ten fathoms nearly a league
from shore on a clean bottom. Here he will be able to buy and
barter slaves*. . .which are called “guey” and also “nhunho.”
However, this is now ruined ; when it was properly conducted
one could buy a bushel of pepper for a brass bracelet weighing
about half a pound, and a slave for two basins such as barbers
use, but now a bushel of pepper is worth five or six bracelets
and a slave four or five basins. The negroes of this coast are
uncircumcised and naked, and are idolaters, having neither
religion nor goodness; they are great fishermen and go two or
three leagues out to sea to fish, in canoes which, in shape, are
like weavers’ shuttles 3.
Item. From Ilha da Palma to Ilheos is two leagues. These
islets are two in number1 * * 4 and are completely bare, without soil
or trees, and are very white from the guano of birds which sleep
there. Round these islets are many very dangerous shoals of
rock, some of them visible above water and some not ; a large
ship of eighty to a hundred tons should anchor in thirty-five
fathoms a good league and a half from the shore, but a small
1 I.c. Di Rock — the highest of several large rocks standing on Diabolitos
Reef {vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 291).
1 Judging by the context, this lacuna originally contained the words “and
malagueta.’’
5 Cf. S. Pimentel, op. cit. p. 264.
4 The Africa Pilot speaks of several islets in this vicinity that constitute
dangers to shipping. One of them is actually called White Rock (Part 1,
pp. 291-2).
TRADE ALONG LIBERIAN COAST
III
ship may anchor at eight fathoms below these islets on a clean
sandy bottom one league out at sea, which is the position of
these islets. Whoever comes here should beware of anchoring in
twenty to twenty-five fathoms, for the bottom is foul and he
would lose his anchors. A prudent man will not trade on this
coast from the beginning of May till the end of September, for
the country is subject to tempestuous weather and great thunder¬
storms \ A fair amount of pepper is found here and some slaves ;
these may be bartered for the merchandise which I have
mentioned in previous chapters.
Item. From the said Ilheos to Cabo Fermoso 1 is five leagues,
and this cape does not run far out into the sea ; like the rest of
the coast it is densely wooded and is difficult to find for those
who come in from the sea.
Item. From Cabo Fermoso to Resguate do Genovs 3 is three
leagues; when King Afonso V ordered the discovery of this
country a Genoese seaman who sailed in one of the ships was
the first to land here and to barter for pepper, hence the name
of this place — Resguate do Genoes4. Its landmark is a small
wood of fairly tall trees, shaped like an eyebrow, high in the
centre and pointed at the ends ; here there is a very small river
whose mouth is only visible when one is very near the land.
Pepper and slaves can be obtained there in the way we have said.
Anchorage can be had in fifteen fathoms on a clean bottom a
little over half a league from land.
Item. From Resguate do Genoes to Rio de S. Vincente 5 is
three leagues. Between them there is a sharp point which rims
* The season of mjgor rains along the Liberian coast begins in April and
continues, with an interval of about a month in August during which there is
less rain, until mid-November. Tornadoes are frequent throughout this
period, and especially at the beginning and end of the rains.
* Sangwin Point (?), Wilson Point (?).
5 The coast between Baffu Point and Tassu Point (?) ( vide Africa Pilot,
Part i, p. 293). The discovery of this part of the coast was effected c. aj>. 1470-
In 1469 Alfonso V “ let out for yearly rent the trade of Guinea ” to a wealthy
citizen of Lisbon, Fem2o Gomes, for five years, on condition that he should
discover a too leagues of coast every year, starting from Sierra Leone. As a
result of this agreement, a rapid advance was made eastwards and southwards.
However, practically no details of the voyages have been preserved and their
dates are uncertain.
4 I.e. '* bartering-place of the Genoese.”
5 I.e. Grand Butu River.
1 12 FLEMISH EXPEDITION TO MINA
out into the sea1; it is very rocky and has some trees. To the
E of this point is the small river of which we have spoken ; it is
difficult to enter, because the sea is running into it most of the
time, and boats from our ships entering it to take in water and
wood have, on occasions, been lost. This river and Rio dos
Cestos lie SE by E and NW by N and occupy fifteen leagues
of the route. Pepper is found here.
Item. Four leagues along the coast beyond the Rio de
S. Vincente is the Praya dos Escravos3, which extends for two
leagues or more ; its name is derived from the fact that certain
slaves were obtained by barter here when this land was dis¬
covered, but now it is a place of little barter because on the coast
before and after it more pepper and slaves are found than on
this part of the shore itself. In the year of Our Lord 1475 a ship
was fitted out by Flemings in Flanders3, with a Castilian captain,
who dared to sail with their merchandise to Mina seven or eight
years before the castle of S. Jorze was built. They obtained five
or six thousand doubloons, but as they did not fear the heavy
excommunications of the Holy Fathers who granted to the Kings
of Portugal that none of any other race than Portuguese with
the permission of the Kings of Portugal should sail thither, and
as they did not fear the prohibitions of the Holy Mother Church,
God gave them a bad end; for on their return voyage from
Mina, when they were opposite this Praya dos Escravos, as the
wind was then calm and in the west they anchored in twenty-five
fathoms ; but as the bottom along all this coast is full of rock it
cut through their hawser during the night, and a wind blowing
up from the sea drove their ship on to the beach, where it was
wrecked. The negroes there ate the thirty-five Flemings who
* I.e. Grand Butu Point (vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 295)*
* Sinu Bay (?).
* Notwithstanding the grants made by successive Popes to the Kings of
Portugal of the exclusive rights to the lands and seas discovered to the south,
vessels of other nations carried on “poaching” expeditions along the Guinea
coast. Spanish rivalry was especially keen and led to some sharp diplomatic
exchanges between the two Cortes. Written agreements proving to be mere
“scraps of paper,” Alfonso V finally decreed in 1480 that the crews of foreign
vessels found in the sphere granted to him by Papal bulls should be thrown
into the sea ( vide Alguns Documentor..., p. 45). Judging by the embassy
sent by John II of Portugal to Edward IV in 1482, it would appear that the
English were already interested in maritime enterprise along the African coast.
NATIVE TRAFFIC IN PEPPER
ll3
formed the crew. We learnt this from the negroes themselves
and from Pedro Gon5alves Neto1, who in the following year
went there as captain of a ship and obtained in barter nearly all
the gold which the Flemings had with them and some of their
clothes.
Item. From Praya dos Escravos to Lagea* is seven leagues,
and all this coast from Rio de S. Vincente to Lagea lies WNW
and ESE. Lagea is a huge rock more than a bowshot long and
half a bowshot wide and is a little over a quarter of a league
distant from the shore. This is the best place for pepper along
the whole of this coast, and the landmarks are the rock itself
and the land beyond it, which has the appearance of a great tall
wood. The ship that would trade here should anchor at ten or
twelve fathoms on a muddy bottom, but should beware of
anchoring at twenty or twenty-five fathoms, for it is all rock and
the anchors will be lost. The negroes of all this coast bring
pepper for barter to the ships in the canoes in which they go
out fishing. They are naked and are not circumcised, and they
are idolaters, being heathens.
Item. From Lagea to Cabo de S. Cremente 3 is five leagues;
this part of the coast runs WNW and ESE. The cape is densely
wooded and does not run far into the sea. There is a little pepper
here. All the negroes of the coast are idolaters and are not
circumcised ; they are vicious people and seldom at peace.
Item. From Cabo de S. Cremente to Cabo das Palmas is
ten leagues, and the route lies E and W. He who leaves the shore
at Cabo de S. Cremente for Cabo das Palmas must sail E by S in
order to be safe. This Cabo das Palmas4 forms a slender pro-
* Possibly one of Femfio Gomes’s captains. Palencia in his Chronicle of
Henry IV of Castille (vol. rv, pp. 205 et seq., Paz y Mclia’s edition, 1908) tells
us that in 1476 Prince John cancelled Gomes’s contract, owing to the in¬
cursions of the Spanish expeditions, which interfered with his (Gomes’s)
monopoly, and decided to send him to Guinea with a fleet of twenty sail to
bring back gold dust and slaves before the Andalusian fleet, which they were
expecting to encounter, could start. This expedition appears to have been
eminently gratifying to the Portuguese, but the details are wanting.
* Druta Rock (?) ( vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 299).
i Subbubo Point (?) {vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 300).
4 Cape Palmas (40 22' N.) is actually fronted by a small island — Russwurm
Island — which, however, is “difficult to distinguish against the cape” {vide
Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 306).
HK
8
CAPE PALMAS
XI4
montory which extends seawards a considerable distance and has
a row of palm-trees; out to sea about a league from this cape are
two very dangerous shallows of rock over which the sea breaks.
The latitude of this cape is 40 10' N of the Equator. Beyond it
the coast turns ENE, and these are the signs by which one can
distinguish the cape, the chief being its latitude. On the main¬
land at the extremity of this cape is a spring of good fresh water ;
sometimes in case of necessity we take in water at a sandy bay
situated behind this cape to the W. He who enters here need
not fear to sail between the two shallows and the shore, for
everywhere there is a clean bottom with twelve or thirteen
fathoms of water. From the month of September to the end of
March and for some months after the sea runs past this cape
eastwards and eastnortheastwards so strongly1 that ships bound
from Mina to Portugal cannot double it unless a gust of favour¬
able wind blow's from the stem or hatchway. We therefore steer
a course WSW to avoid the coast of Malagueta, which ends in
Cabo das Palmas. Two leagues beyond this cape the land runs
out into a rugged promontory3 with spurs of rock covered with
trees ; it projects seawards as far as, or farther than, Cabo das
Palmas, and here there is a village which w'e have called “ Aldea
de Portugal.” The natives of Cabo das Palmas are called
Eguorebo^.
Chapter iv
Concerning the routes and landmarks from Cabo das
Palmas to the Castle of S. Jorze da Mina.
We must notice the difference in the direction of the coast
beyond Cabo das Palmas, for beyond this cape it runs in one
direction, and on this side of the cape, along the coast of Mala¬
gueta, in another : any pilot going to these parts should observe
this and the latitude of this cape, and he will then make no
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, pp. 307, 310.
* I.e. Growa Point.
1 Siguorebo in S. Pimentel, op. cit. p. 266.
IVORY COAST I 15
mistake, even if he does not know this country as we now know
it after the experience of many years.
Item. Eight leagues beyond Cabo das Palmas is a river called
Rio de S. Pedro1; they lie WSW and ENE. This river has a
small mouth, but as we are not accustomed to enter it and have
no practical knowledge of it, we will therefore not write about
that which is unknown to us, although the coast itself we have
come to know well enough from years of experience.
Item. From Rio de S. Pedro to Rio de S. Andr£ is twenty-
five leagues, and between them is a narrow cape, called Cabo
da Praya3, which has on the W side some fields called “the rice
fields.” Farther on the land forms a bay* having a broad head¬
land at its entrance and a white rock like an islet standing in the
sea4. All this coast is inhabited. A little beyond this bay along
the sea are six or seven hills*; these are eight leagues distant
from Rio de S. Andr£. The coast lies W by S and E by N. Rio
de S. Andre6 has a wide mouth, and when opposite it you can
see above its mouth some trees in the interior which look like
pine-trees; half a league up the river there is an island in
mid-stream. From the ricefields to this river you will find a
muddy bottom with some patches of sand if you anchor half a
league from the shore in twenty fathoms; at a league from land
the depth is fifty fathoms. But as we have not yet had any
experience or traffic at this Rio de S. Andre we will say no more
of it here, except that we have learnt that the country is densely
populated and this river, like all the other rivers of Guinea, is
rife with fever.
Item. Three leagues beyond the Rio de S. Andr6 you find
tall red cliffs? along the coast, extending for four or five leagues ;
these lie E and W with respect to the river and are composed
of very red clay and are the landmark for the said R. de S. Andr£.
Item. From the red cliffs to Rio d’Alaguoa8 is eight leagues,
and the coast lies W by S and E by N. The landmarks of this
* Name retained to the present day.
* Drewin (or Moncho) Point {vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 316).
1 Victoria Gulf (or Bay) {vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 316).
4 Boulakba Rocks {vide Africa Pilot, Part t, p. 316).
5 The Drewin Highland. * Sassandra (or St Andrew) River.
7 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part r, p. 319. * I.e. Lahu River.
8-2
IVORY COAST
Il6
Rio d’Alaguoa are a wood, like a pinewood, above its mouth in
the interior, and the fact that this river flows along the coast till
it reaches a village1 where in our day there are four palm-trees,
each standing apart by itself ; on the farther side of this village
is a very large lake, which you cannot see unless you climb the
ship’s mast. All this coast has a good clean bottom as far as
Cabo das Tres Pontas ; we do not know if there is any commerce
here.
Item. Seven leagues beyond Rio d’Alaguoa there are seven
villages, which are very well populated, extending seven or eight
leagues along the coast ; the coast runs E and W and is composed
entirely of beach of a reddish sand. The country is densely
wooded and the depth near the shore is thirty to forty fathoms,
but it is less than this two leagues out at sea. The negroes of this
coast are great fishermen and their canoes have fo’castles. They
wear hooded caps like those of shepherds ; they go naked and
are idolaters. We call them “Rei$udosV* They are evil people
and there is no commerce here.
Item. From the seven villages to Rio de Mayo3 is twelve
leagues ; the mouth of this river is not large and the country
round it is very low, marshy and well-wooded. We know nothing
of what trade there may be in this country, but only know that
it is densely populated.
Item. From Rio de Mayo to Rio de Soeyro4 is ten leagues.
This Rio de Soeyro was discovered by Soeyro da Costa at the
bidding of King Afonso V. Whoever sails from the shore past the
seven villages to this Rio de Soeyro, must sail E by S, close in
to the shore, and by this course he will not go wrong.
Item. From Rio de Soeyro to the Serra de Santa Apolonia 3
is twelve leagues; the coast lies WNW and ESE. Six leagues
beyond these hills you will see a fortress6 which Our Lord King
* Grand Lahu (?) (vide Africa Pilot , Part I, p. 320).
* I.e. “the thick-lipped.” * I.e. Komo€ River.
« I.e. Assini River: to this day the hills behind the mouth of this river are
called after da Costa, who was one of the captains employed by Fernio Gomes
during the period of his Guinea trading lease.
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 325.
* A fort — St Anthony’s — still commands the bay in which the port of
Axim is situated.
TRADE AT AXIM
117
Manuel ordered to be built, where yearly there is obtained in
barter thirty to forty thousand doubloons of good gold. The
country is called Axem and is very subject to fever. The
merchandise exchanged for gold consists of brass bracelets,
basins of the same metal, red and blue cloth, linen neither very
coarse nor very fine, and “lanbens,” that is, a kind of mantle
made like the shawls of Alentejo, with stripes of red, green, blue
and white, the stripes being two or three inches wide. They are
made in the city of Ouram1 and in Tenez* in the kingdom of
Tremecem, in Bona3 and Estora4 of the kingdom of Bogia, and
also in TunezS and in other parts of Berbery. This is the
principal merchandise used for the barter of gold in Axem,
besides other articles of less value.
To continue our description of the Serra de Santa Apolonia;
it is not as high as the ignorant may imagine, but consists of
eight or ten hills of reasonable height on the coast, covered with
woods. However, because the rest of the country is very low
these hills seem quite high. He who leaves Cabo das Palmas
for the castle of S. Jorze da Mina should sail E by N ; at 130
leagues along the route he will find the Serra de Santa Apolonia
opposite him; in order not to lose his way his correct course
will lie outside the bay.
Item. The Serra de Santa Apolonia and Cabo das Tres
Pontas6 lie NW by W and SE by E and they occupy fifteen
leagues of the route. One may anchor opposite this Serra in
twenty fathoms on a muddy bottom a league from the shore.
Twelve leagues beyond this Serra is an islet close to the main¬
land; it is very rugged and white with the guano of birds.
A little over half a league from this islet is an island near to the
coast ; this island has a tree in its centre and on the side on which
the sea beats it is of a reddish colour. From there to Cabo das
Tres Pontas is three leagues. I do not know why this cape was
called thus, for there are six or seven points, on all of which the
sea beats ; they are all of broken rock, and he who doubles the
1 I.e. Oran: cf. Leo Africans, op. eit. book iv, p. 676.
1 Cf. Leo Africanus, op. cit. p. 680. J Cf. ibid. p. 709.
* I.e. Store in Argelia in the province of Constantina, to the northwest of
PhilippcviUe.
* Cf. Leo Africanus, op. at. p. 719. ‘ I.e. Cape Three Points.
GOLD COAST
Il8
central point doubles them all. The landmarks of this cape are
that the coast there turns to the NE and that its latitude is
4° 30' Nx. The pilot or captain who is ignorant of this country
should observe the trend of the coast and he will find that it
follows two directions: from Cabo das Tres Pontas to Serra de
Santa Apolonia it lies NW by W and SE by E ; and from there
it trends NE, the latitude increasing.
Item. From Cabo das Tres Pontas to the islets of Anda2 is
four leagues ; the coast runs SW and NE, and these islands are
very close to the shore; in the same neighbourhood there are
some red cliffs. The region of Anda extends for seven or eight
leagues ; it contains a gold mine, which although not very large,
yields 20,000 doubloons or more ; the gold is taken to be bartered
at the Castle of S. Jorze da Mina and at the fortress of Axem
of which we have spoken above. The negroes of this country
live on millet, fish and yams, together with a little meat; they
are naked from the waist up, are uncircumcised and heathen,
but, God willing, they will soon become Christians.
Item. The islet of Anda and the Rio de Sam Joham^ lie SW
and NE and occupy eight leagues of the route. This river is very
small and narrow ; there is only a fathom and a half at its mouth
at high tide, and its mouth cannot be seen until one is quite
close to it. There is here a town called Samaa* of some 500
inhabitants, where the first gold in this country was obtained in
barter, and it was at that time called Mina. It was discovered
at the bidding of King Afonso V by Joham de Santarem and
Pedro d’Escobar5, knights of his household, in the month of
January of the year of Our Lord 1471. These captains carried
as pilots a certain Alvaro Estevez, an inhabitant of the town of
Lagos, and a certain Martim Estevez, citizen of Lisbon, Alvaro
Estevez being the man most skilled in his profession in Spain
at that time. The landmark of the Rio de S. Joham and of the
1 Actually 40 46' N. * Abokori Islet (?).
i Pra River. It enters the sea in Shama Bay.
4 I.e. Shama which, to-day, has a population of about 2400 {vide Africa
Pilot, Part 1, p. 337).
5 These men, like Sceiro da Costa, were chosen by Fem3o Gomes to
forward the exploration of West Africa. Pedro d’Escobar subsequently
accompanied Diogo CSo to the Congo and acted as one of Vasco da Gama’s
pilots on his first voyage to India.
CASTLE OF S. JORZE DA MINA II9
town of Samaa is a very large bay over two leagues in circuit and
a good league across from point to point ; almost in the centre of
the bay is the mouth of the river. This bay is full of shallows
and a ship should anchor in ten or twelve fathoms on a clean
sandy bottom a league from the shore and not go farther in.
Item. From the bay of Samaa to the village of Torto is three
leagues; the route lies WSW and ENE. The lord of this village
was squint-eyed, hence its name. It has a great reef of rock on
which the sea breaks violently1, running more than half a league
into the sea, so that one should keep well out. From here to the
castle of S. Jorze da Mina is three leagues.
Chapter v
Concerning the Castle of S. Jorze da Mina and
when it was built.
In the paragraph before last we related how the excellent prince,
King Afonso V ordered the discovery of Mina and what captains
and pilots he sent for the purpose. We must now tell how his
son the most serene prince, King John of Portugal after the
death of his father ordered the foundation of the Castle of
S. Jorze da Mina. At the bidding of this magnanimous prince
it was built by Dieguo d’Azambuja*, a knight of his household
* Kassi Reefs (?) (vide Africa Pilot, Part X, p. 338).
* John II lost no time in promoting Portugal's Africa enterprise on his
accession in 1481. Two of the first things he did were to give orders for the
completion of the fort of Arguim (begun in Alfonso's reign) and authorise
the construction of another at Mina (i.e. Elmina Castle) for the purpose,
mainly, of organising the gold traffic of that region. This second undertaking
was regarded by many of the members of his Council as untimely and doomed
to failure on the grounds of climate, distance from Portugal and the in¬
calculable attitude of the negro. Notwithstanding, John went ahead with his
plans and entrusted the execution of them to Diogo d’Azambuja "who
combined the aptitudes of a diplomat, a general and an engineer” (vide
E. Prestage, op. cit. p. 199). The work of building the fort began almost
immediately after his arrival in 1482: in fact, within twenty days the central
tower was sufficiently near completion to be available for defensive purposes.
(This speed was made possible by the fact that the stones for the tower had
been cut and fashioned in Portugal.) Azambuja remained at Mina for two
and a half years, by which time the trade of the fort was enjoying the prosperity
alluded to in Pacheco's account. In 2486 John II bestowed on Mina the
status of municipality and added “Lord of Guinea” to his titles.
120
THE MINA FACTORY
and High Commander of the Order of S. Bento. On the ist of
January in the year of Our Lord 1482 he took with him nine
caravels, each with its captain, very honourable men, under his
command, together with two ureas of 400 tons laden with lime
and building stone and other material for this work. 1 here was
much trouble with the negroes, who wished to prevent the work,
but it was finally finished, despite them, with all diligence and
zeal, and it was necessary for the refuge and defence of all of us.
At a later date the same King John, seeing that this was necessary,
ordered the work to be added to. This, as we know, was the
first stone building in the region of the Ethiopias of Guinea since
the creation of the world. Through this fortress trade so greatly
increased by the favour of Our Lord that 170,000 doubloons
of good fine gold, and sometimes much more, are yearly brought
thence to these realms of Portugal ; it is bartered from the negro
merchants who bring it thither from distant lands. These
merchants belong to various tribes ; the Bremus1 *, Atis 3, Hacanys 3 5,
Boroes*, Mandinguas 5, Cacres6, Andeses or Souzos7, and many
others which I omit for the sake of brevity. In exchange they
take away much merchandise, such as “lanbens,” which is the
principal article of commerce (we described this in the ninth
paragraph of the fourth chapter of this second book), red and
blue cloth, brass bracelets, handkerchiefs, corals, and certain
red shells which they prize as we prize precious stones; white
wine is also greatly prized, and blue beads, which they call
“coris,” and many other articles of various kinds. These people
have hitherto been heathen, but some of them have now become
Christians; I speak of those who dwell near the castle, for the
merchants come from far and have not the same intercourse
with us as these neighbours and accordingly continue in their
1 The Ebrid tribes of the Ivory Coast (?).
1 The Atti£ tribes located inland from the Ebri< tribes (?).
5 I.e. the Akans who at the present time inhabit both Gold Coast and
Ashanti territory (vide A. W. Cardinall, The Gold Coast, 1931, p. 9).
4 The natives of the Bour£ gold-mining region in the upper Niger (?).
5 Vide book 1, chap. 24, p. 73 note.
‘ I cannot find this name, even in a modified form, either in geographical
or in ethnographical sources.
1 The Susu (or Soso or Soussou) peoples of the Fouta Djallon Mountains
(vide M. Delafosse, op. cit. p. 55 et passim).
TRADE AT MINA
121
false idolatry. The profit of this trade is five for one, or more,
but the country is much subject to fever, and white men often
die here. The latitude of this castle is 50 30' N of the Equator1 * *,
and on a clear night one can see the Pole Star elevated the same
number of degrees above the horizon. For a clearer under¬
standing we have given here a painting from sight of the castle,
as it appears at the present time. Here there is an abundance
of fish, upon which the negroes live’, but they keep few cattle;
however, there are many wild beasts such as ounces, elephants,
buffaloes, gazelles and many other kinds, and also birds of
various kinds, some of them being very beautiful. The negroes
in this country go about naked, save for a loin-cloth or a piece
of striped cloth, which they consider a very noble garment. They
live on millet and palm-wine 3 (though they prefer our wine)
with fish and a little game*. Our lord the King sends out yearly
twelve small vessels laden with merchandise ; these bring back
to this realm the gold which the factor of his Highness obtains
there by barter. Besides these vessels, three or four ships go
out laden with provisions, wine and other articles which are
needed there. The merchants who bring the gold to this fortress
bring no asses or beasts of burden to carry away the merchandise,
which they buy for three times and more its value in Portugal.
Our people who are sent out by the most serene King in his
ships buy slaves* 200 leagues beyond the casde,by* rivers where
there is a very large city called Beny4 5, whence they are brought
thither [to Mina?]. What we have said of this is sufficient for
our purpose, [which] solely concerns the commerce* of our lord
the King 5.
1 Actually 50 os' N.
* The text is either slightly corrupt or has small lacunae at these points.
s Vide Roger Barlow, op. cit. p. 106, for a description of the method of
collecting and making this wine.
* Vide book n, chap. 7.
5 Judging from Pacheco’s reference higher up to a painting of the castle
of La Mina it would seem as though the copyist forgot to insert the words
" aqui maps ” at this juncture.
122
Chapter vi
Concerning the routes and landmarks beyond the
Castle of S. Jorze da Mina.
We may well speak of the things of Ethiopia since we have seen
them, for before we had experience of them it was only with
great difficulty that we could believe what some writers related
concerning them. Since we have described the coast in due
order, together with some part of the interior, we will proceed
on our way and inform our readers how that three leagues beyond
the Castle of S. Jorze at the end of the bay there is a promontory
which we call Cabo do Cor^o1 ; its extremity is round and has
a single tree on it, which can only be seen when one is near the
shore. It can be seen in our drawing of the castle given above.
Item. Twenty leagues beyond Cabo do Cor£0 is a pro¬
montory which we call Cabo das Redes2, because of the many
nets that were found here when this land was discovered. This
is the last place on this coast where we know that there is gold,
and it is much finer gold than that which the merchants take
to be bartered at Mina. The inhabitants of Cabo das Redes take
yearly ten or twelve thousand doubloons of this gold to barter
at the Castle of S. Jorze; five to six thousand doubloons of it is
gold of 23 carats, one carat finer than the other gold there.
Cabo do Cor9o and Cabo das Redes lie SW by W and NE by E,
and they occupy twenty leagues of the route. All the country
between these two capes is fairly high and mountainous ; midway
along there are three fishing settlements, Fante3 the Greater,
Fante the Less and Sabuu the Less. At the end of this rough
hill country lies Cabo das Redes. The negroes of this country
speak the same language as those of Mina, and their word for
gold is “vyqua.”
Item. As soon as you have passed the high country in which
Cabo das Redes is located the land becomes very low again and
1 I.e. Queen Anne Point.
* Fetta Point (vide Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 345).
5 Fetta, located at the head of Fetta Bay.
VOLTA RIVER AND BEYOND
123
the littoral is entirely composed of beach. Five leagues inland
a single high mountain1 rises from the lowland : it is the land¬
mark for Cabo das Redes and we call it “ Pam de Nao.” Twenty
leagues beyond this mountain is the Rio da Volta3, which is
fairly large. Cabo das Redes and this river lie E and W. This
coast is densely wooded, but in the flat country the woodland
is sparse and thin, growing in clumps. This region is called
Mumu. The negroes of this country are evil and eat men, and
hitherto we have had no traffic with them.
Chapter vii
Concerning the country beyond Rio da Volta .
Item. From Rio da Volta, about which we have spoken
above, to Cabo de S. Paulo^ is ten leagues ; they lie NW by W
and SE by E. The land in the neighbourhood of this cape is
very low and has a long spit of sand running far out into the sea.
He who leaves Mina for this part should stand three or four
leagues out to sea from Cabo do Cor90 and sail ENE and he
will come to the Rio da Volta, forty-five leagues along the route.
Item. Cabo de S. Paulo and Rio do Laguo4 lie ENE and
WSW and occupy sixty-five leagues of the route. All the country
between them is very low5, with clumps of woodland, and the
shore is composed entirely of beach. There are on this coast
certain villages, trees and landmarks which some books of
navigation mention, but I omit them because they are difficult
to recognise. The pilot who sails from Mina to the Rio do Laguo
should make for Cabo de S. Paulo and then sail ENE along the
coast ; in this way he will make this river’s mouth, which is very
small. The channel has two fathoms at high tide, but its entrance
1 Akem Peak (?) (vide Africa Pilot , Part I, p. 345).
* It is still called by this name.
3 I.e. Cape St Paul. Cf. Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 354.
4 This is not so much a river as a passage “6 miles long connecting Lagos
lagoon with the sea ” (vide Africa Pilot, Part 1, p. 360).
5 Cf. ibid. p. 351.
124
NIGER DELTA
is very dangerous, with shallows of sand on which the sea breaks
during the greater part of the year, so that the channel is scarcely
seen ; only small vessels of thirty to thirty-five tons can enter it.
Once inside the mouth it broadens out into a great lake over
two leagues wide and as many long. Twelve or thirteen leagues
up this river is a very large city called Geebuu x, surrounded by
a great moat. The river of this country in our time is called
Agusale*, and the trade is mainly in slaves (who are sold for
twelve or fifteen brass bracelets each) but there is some ivory.
The latitude of the river is yc 45' N of the Equator*.
Item. Rio do Laguo and Rio Primeiro lie W by N and E by S
and occupy twenty-five leagues of the route. Rio Primeiro4 has
a fairly wide mouth half a league across, with a dense wood on
its SE side. Four leagues beyond this river are three canals,
and the coast of these canals along the sea to the Rio Primeiro
is all mud, there being no sand. This country yields no trade
or profit. The w'hole of the territory from the aforesaid Rio do
Laguo to this Rio Primeiro and for more than a 100 leagues?
beyond is intersected by many other rivers, so that it is cut into
islands. It is greatly subject to fever and is very hot throughout
nearly the whole of the year, because it is so near the orb of the
sun ; the principal winter season falls in the months of August
and September, when there is much rain6. The negroes of this
* I-c. Abeokuta, situated 36 miles up the Ogun River, which drains into
the Lagos lagoon. Cf. R. Burton’s description in Abeokuta and the Camaroom
Mountains, pp. 69-70.
* I.e. Ogun River.
3 The mouth of the lagoon is 6° 35' N.
4 The Africa Pilot speaks of no river between the entrance to the Lagos
lagoon and Benin River. There are, however, one or two openings into this
lagoon which runs parallel to this stretch of coast.
5 This is approximately the width of the Niger Delta ( vide Africa Pilot,
Part 1, p. 368).
6 scasons the year in this country are divisible into “dry” and
wet rather than into summer and winter. December, January, February
and March are the driest months and, as is commonly the case in tropical
latitudes, the driest months are the hottest. At Lagos the mean monthly
temperature for these months is 8i° F., the rainfall aggregate being 8 in. out
of a total of 72 in. per annum. The season of heavy rains begins towards the
end of April and continues until October, more than 50 per cent of the annual
amount falling in the three months of May, June and July. The lowest mean
monthly temperature is recorded in August (75 70 F.), by which month the
cooling influence of the rains is at its maximum.
BENIN
*25
country are idolaters and arc circumcised without having any
law or reason for their circumcision, but as these matters are
irrelevant we will not write of them.
Item. Beyond the Rio Primeiro is the Rio Fermoso1; they
lie NW and SE and occupy five leagues of the route. (Of another
small river here I do not speak as it is unnecessary.) The mouth
of the Rio Fermoso is very large, over a league across from
point to point. The country to the SE of it has a grove of trees
so even in height that no one tree seems higher than another;
inside its mouth on the right is a very tall, branching tree which
greatly overtops the rest, and beyond this tree are two other
trees equally tall. The mouth of this river is shallow and full of
hidden rocks; the depth is nowhere greater than two fathoms
and two spans; the bottom is all loose mud, so that a ship can
stay at half a fathom without receiving injury. This shallow
extends into the sea nearly two leagues, and the entrance and
the channel are along the shore to the left ; when you are inside
the points where the channel is narrowest, beyond a sandy beach
on the right, you can anchor at the mouth of a large canal there,
in eight fathoms. By this channel towards the sea is a village
called Teebuu* and on the other side arc some more villages.
A league up this river on the left two tributaries enter the main
stream : if you ascend the second of these for twelve leagues you
find a town called Huguatoo?, of some 2,000 inhabitants; this
is the harbour of the great city of Beny, which lies nine leagues
in the interior with a good road [between them]. Small ships
of fifty tons can go as far as Huguatoo. This city is about a
league long from gate to gate ; it has no wall but is surrounded
by a large moat, very wide and deep, which suffices for its
defence. I was there four times. Its houses are made of mud-
1 I.e. Benin River {vide Africa Pilot, Part I, pp. 369 et seq.).
* The Africa Pilot speaks of numerous riparian settlements, but their
identification with Teebuu is uncertain. S. Pimentel {op. cit. p. 284) calls it
Atambane. Fishtown is the most important native village in this vicinity
to-day.
5 I.e. Gwato (6° 11' N., 5° 23' E.), the Gurte of John Pory, op. cit. p. 78.
Its prosperity appears to have declined with the abolition of the slave trade,
for when R. Burton visited it in 1862 Gwato only contained “from 20 to 30
inhabitations, mostly ruinous but sometimes showing traces of former
splendour" (“My Wanderings in West Africa," Fraser’s Magazine, 1863,
P- 275)-
126
KINGDOM OF BENIN
walls covered with palm leaves. The kingdom of Beny is about
eighty leagues long and forty wide1 ; it is usually at war with its
neighbours and takes many captives, whom we buy at twelve
or fifteen brass bracelets each, or for copper bracelets which they
prize more1 ; from there the slaves are brought to the castle of
S. Jorze da Mina where they are sold for gold. The way of life
of these people is full of abuses and witchcraft and idolatry,
which for brevity’s sake I omit.
Item. A hundred leagues to the east of this kingdom of Beny
in the interior we know of a land which in our time has a king
called Licosaguou3 ; he is said to be lord of many peoples and
very powerful. Close by is another great lord of the name of
Hooguanee4, who among the negroes is as the Pope among us.
In these lands there is black pepper much stronger than that
of India*; its grain is almost of the same size, but whereas the
1 Cf. O. Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der A frikaensche Getcesten,
1668, book II, p. 122. “How far the Kingdom of Benin extends from south
to north is as yet unknown, as some places lie at a great distance from each
other, being separated by impenetrable forests, but from east to west, it
measures about a hundred (Dutch) miles.” Barbot, writing later, in 1732,
says : “ its extent from north to south must be near 200 leagues and its breadth
from east to west about 125 leagues. (A Description of the Coasts of North
and South Guinea, p. 356).
* Bracelets (“manilha” in Portuguese) still form a medium of change in
some parts of Benin. “It is said that in some cases the natives are so parti¬
cular that they test the manilha by its sound when struck together, which they
do behind the traders’ backs and that therefore the mixing of the metal has
to be carefully attended to” (H. L. Roth, Great Benin: Its Customs, Arts and
Horrors, p. 5, note).
3 According to Dapper (op. cit. book II, p. 121) the kingdom of Benin was
bounded on the east by the kingdoms of Istonna and Forkado or Ouwerre.
* The Ogan6 of John Alfonso de Aveiro (vide Barros, op. cit. Decade I,
book III, chap. 4). The account which he brought back from Benin of this
monarch tallied so well with the stories of Prester John which had been brought
to the peninsula by Abyssinian priests that the king, John II, immediately
began to plan how he might get into direct touch with Ogand, for he saw how
greatly his double object of spreading the Christian faith and extending his
commerce by opening the road to the Indies would be furthered by an
alliance with such a sovereign. Accordingly he determined that both by land
and sea attempts should be made to reach his country. The expeditions of
Bartholomew Dias and of Pedro de Covilham were the result.
} Barros (op. cit. Decade 1, book III, chap. 3) describes the pepper of Benin
thus: “tailed pepper [so called] because it is different from that which comes
from India. . .having attached to it part of the peduncle on which it grows.”
It is actually the dried fruit of Piper Clusii, a plant widely distributed in
tropical Africa.
HINTERLAND OF BENIN
127
Indian grain is wrinkled the surface of this pepper is smooth.
In the mountains and woods of this region dwell savage men
whom the negroes of Beny call “oosaa.” They are very strong
and are covered with bristles like pigs; their nature is entirely
human except that instead of speaking they shout1. I have heard
their shouts at night and possess the skin of one of these savages.
In this country there are many elephants whose tusks, or ivory
as we call it, we often buy ; there are also many ounces and other
wild beasts, likewise birds of kinds so different from those of our
Europe that on the first discovery of this country those who saw
these things and related them were not believed, until the ex¬
perience of those who came here later induced belief. A hundred
leagues upstream towards the source of the Rio Fermoso is a
negro country called Opuua. Here there is much pepper and
ivory and some slaves. The latitude of Rio Fermoso is 70 north
of the Equator^ ; the tide flows NW and SE, contrary to those
of Spain. The people of Beny and its neighbourhood are branded
with a line above the eyebrows* ; it is their distinguishing mark
as none of the other negroes have it.
Chapter viii
of the second book of the Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis.
This description of Ethiopia has brought us two liabilities; in
the first place the amount of time spent in exploring these
provinces and lands which have entailed so much illness and
* Vide note on book I, chap. 33.
1 Possibly one of the kingdoms of which Dapper speaks : "the kingdom of
Benin. . .is bordered to the NW by the kingdoms of Ulkami, Jaboe, Isago
and Oedobo; to the north by that of Gaboe, situated about an eight days’
journey above the great town of Benin” (op. cit. book II, p. 121).
3 Actually its mouth is 50 46' N.
4 Cf. Richard Burton’s account. In writing of the tribal marks of the
people of Benin he says : " the general mark was a tattoo of three parallel cuts
about long and placed close together upon both checks. . . . Some added
to these. . .vertical lines of similar marks above the eyebrows. . (op. cit.
p. 411).
128
FORCADOS RIVER
ill-rewarded labour1 ; in the second place the great toil of com¬
posing this work dealing with what we have seen in these lands.
Therefore we must needs follow the order of the coast and
describe the rivers, bearing witness to what we have seen and
our witness is true.
Item. Five leagues beyond Rio Fermoso is a river with a
fairly large mouth, which we call Rio dos Escravos3. Two slaves
were obtained by barter there when it was discovered ; hence its
name. This river has shallows of hard sand running out nearly
a league into the sea, with two and a half fathoms of water over
them and three fathoms at the deepest. It is a very dangerous
place, and a prudent man will avoid it; there is neither trade
here nor anything else worthy of mention, so that we need not
waste time in speaking of it.
Item. Five leagues beyond Rio dos Escravos is another river
called Rio dos Forcados3 ; its name is due to the fact that when
it was discovered many large birds were found here with tails
forked like those of swallows. This river has a large mouth, and
to the NW it has a sand shallow with about two fathoms of water,
and on the SE it has a shoal of rock on which the sea breaks ; in
between these is the channel, which has a mud bottom, with
three and a half fathoms, and at high tide four fathoms. He who
has to enter here should keep closer to the shallows on the SE
than to those on the NW in order to enter in safety. The tide
of this river flows NW by W and SE by E ; its latitude is 5° 10' N4.
To the SE there is a large wood, its landmark being two trees
taller than the rest. Whoever enters this river will find that it
branches to the right and to the left; five leagues up the left
branch is a place of barter3, which consists chiefly of slaves and
cotton cloths, with some panther skins, palm-oil and some blue
shells with red stripes which they call “ coris.” These and other
things we buy there for brass and copper bracelets ; they are all
1 The translation of this paragraph is of necessity rather free as the text
is very corrupt.
1 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 374.
3 The Forcados River is the most useful and accessible distributary of the
Niger Delta.
* The latitude of Hughes Point, which defines the entrance on the north
side, is 5° 27' N.
3 Probably Warri or some place in the vicinity.
HINTERLAND OF THE FORCADOS
I29
valuable at the castle of S. Jorze da Mina, where the King’s
factor sells them to the negro merchants for gold. The inhabitants
along this river are called Huela. Farther in the interior is
another country called Subou1, which is densely populated ; here
there is a fair amount of pepper of the kind we described almost
at the end of the fifth paragraph of the seventh chapter.
Beyond these dwell other negroes called JosJ, who own a large
country; they are a warlike people and cannibals. The principal
trade of this country is in slaves and some ivory. All these
regions are very hot, because they are near the Equator. The
rivers are rife with fever and very unhealthy for white men,
especially in the winter of this land, which begins in the month
of May and lasts till the end of September, when there is much
rain; it is especially heavy in August, which is the depth of
winter [sic] throughout Ethiopia. During this season and in
some other months of the year there are great storms of thunder
and wind. The pilot who sees such a storm approaching his ship
should furl sail, for, if he does not, the furious wind these
thunderstorms bring with them will either send his ship to the
bottom or break its mast and rigging and carry away the sails.
He who would sail from Mina to the Rio dos Forcados should
sail E by N ; in this way he will make the Rio Fermoso, which is
ten leagues on this side of the Rio dos Forcados, and from there
he must coast along the shore, for it is a very difficult country
to distinguish. This is the direct route from Mina to this region
[keeping] outside the bay, and it occupies 170 leagues of the
route.
Item. Five leagues beyond Rio dos Forcados is another river
called Rio dos Ramos* ; the mouth of this river is as large as that
1 I.c. the Sobo country. R. Burton describes it as comprising wide lands
north and northeast of Warri: “the word applies to the greatest part of the
country between Abo on the Niger, the Wari River and the southern branch
of the Benin which bounds it on the north. ..” ( Fraser's Magazine, 1863,
P- 145).
* I.e. the Ejos or Ejomen, popularly called Joemen — “ a large and influential
tribe [inhabiting] the banks of the Escravos, Broder, Forcados, Ramos and
Dodo Rivers extending to the Nun and Brass Rivers.. . .They are almost
always at war with the Jakri men, because like these, they trade for oil to the
Sobo country. . .” (R. Burton, Fraser's Magazine, 1863, pp. 145-6). T. J.
Hutchinson (Ten Years' Wanderings among the Ethiopians, p. 61) calls them
cannibals. 5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part X, p. 383.
HK
9
CAPE FORMOSO
130
of Rio dos Forcados or larger, but it is shallow throughout, with
less than two fathoms, the sea breaking frequently along the
whole of this bay. Ships making for Rio dos Forcados have
suffered wreck here, for they passed Rio dos Forcados without
recognising it and entered Rio dos Ramos mistaking it for the
other and were wrecked on the bar. The inhabitants of this
country are called Jos and are cannibals, as we have said. There
has been no trade here so far, nor do we know if there is any
possibility of trade. All this country is densely populated and
thickly wooded ; the interior is intersected by other rivers and
all the land of this river and of Rio dos Forcados is formed
into islands, the inhabitants communicating by canoes made of
a single trunk.
Item. Rio dos Ramos and Cabo Fermoso1 * * lie NNW and
SSE and occupy twelve leagues of the route. All the country
between the cape and the river is very low and sparsely
populated. Cabo Fermoso has a very low spit* which runs out
to sea in a curving fashion a good five leagues. In the months
of July and August the currents flow past here with such force?
that a ship coming here in these months should keep far out
from land if it is making for Mina, for it will find it impossible
to sail along the coast owing to the strength of the currents
flowing SE. The two sure landmarks of this cape are firstly, that
this part of the coast trends east and west for a good fifty leagues,
and secondly, that its latitude is 50 50' N4.
1 “ Cape Fonnoso is the name applied to the wooded tract on the eastern
aide of Nun River entrance forming the southern extension of the delta of
the Niger, of which Palm Point is the extreme ” (Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 403).
Pacheco is considerably out in his reckoning of the distance between Ramos
River and Cape Fonnoso : according to the Pilot figures it is at least 80 miles
(i.e. 26 leagues approximately — Portuguese fashion).
1 I.e. Nun bar — "one of the worst bars of the Niger delta, probably owing
to its geographical position, the coast line here changing its direction sharply,
rendering the bar fully exposed to the westward as well as to the southward. . . .
The bar is composed of a semi-circular belt of sand connecting the western
and eastern spits, which extend southward from the entrance points of the
river" (Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 386).
5 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part t, pp. 34, 46.
4 Actually 40 16' N.
*3*
Chapter ix
Concerning the routes , landmarks and degrees
[of latitudes] beyond Cabo Fermoso.
Since we have undertaken the heavy task of describing the
benefits conferred by past princes on the Kingdoms of Portugal
by the discovery of Ethiopia, which was before totally unknown
to us, we consider ourselves obliged to finish the work we have
begun, in spite of railers, back-biters and slanderers who blame
what is well done and are unable to do anything well themselves ;
but we will continue our work and leave them to be consumed
in their envy.
Item. We have already stated that the coast for fifty leagues
beyond Cabo Fermoso trends east and west. He who arrives
here going east will, at a distance of a league and a half from the
shore, find only eight or ten fathoms and a mud bottom. Six
or seven leagues beyond this cape is a river which has not a very
large mouth, called Rio de Sam Bento*. Beyond it is another
river called Sant’ Ilefonso1; five leagues [beyond3] is the Rio
de Santa Barbara4, and six leagues beyond this is another river
called Rio Pcqueno5. These four rivers are rather small and we
have not hitherto traded in them; we only know that their
inhabitants arc called Jos and are cannibals. This coast lies in the
same parallel as Cabo Fermoso, that is, east and west.
Item. Eight leagues beyond Rio Pequeno to the east is a very
large river called Rio Real6, the mouth of which is five leagues
across. This river in our time has two entrances. One of these
is in the middle of its mouth between two sand-spits and follows
a north-south direction; it is a gunshot in width and at its
deepest has 3^ fathoms at high tide. Sailing thence inland to
a village on the SE shore you will find seven and eight fathoms.
Item. The other entrance [to this river7] lies beyond and
* Brass River (?). * St Nicholas River (?).
5 Lacuna : only the word we have inserted, or its equivalent, seems to be
missing, however.
4 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 408. 5 Sombreiro River (?).
6 I.e. the combined estuary of the New Calabar and Bonny Rivers.
7 Lacuna : it seems only to require the words we have inserted.
9-2
132 LIFE AND HABITS OF THE JOS
runs NW and SE; it is a good league wide and any ship can tack
against the wind here and proceed in five or six fathoms to a
bank of sand almost in the centre of the bay, where there are
three fathoms; this is the shallowest place. To sail in from here
you must make for a sand-spit on the right and within this spit
you can anchor opposite the mouth of a creek in twelve fathoms
at a quarter of a league from the shore. The latitude of this river
is 5^ north1 * 3; the castle of S. Jorac da Mina and this river lie on
the same parallel of latitude, that is, east and west.
Item. The people of this river are called Jos, being the same
as those of whom we spoke above, and they are all cannibals. At
the mouth of this river within the creek above mentioned is a
very large village of some 2,000 inhabitants5, where much salt is
made. The bigger canoes here, made from a single trunk, are
the largest in the Ethiopias of Guinea; some of them are large
enough to hold eighty men, and they come from a hundred
leagues or more up this river bringing yams in large quantities,
which, in this district, are very good and nourishing ; they also
bring many slaves, cows, goats and sheep. Sheep they call
"bozy.” They sell all this [merchandise] to the natives of the
village for salt, and our ships buy these things for copper
bracelets, which are here greatly prized — more than those of
brass ; for eight or ten bracelets you can obtain one slave. The
negroes of this country are all naked, wearing only copper neck¬
laces an inch thick; they carry daggers like those of the white
Moors of Berbery. They are warlike and are rarely at peace.
Item. Three leagues beyond Rio Real is a small river called
Rio de S. Domingos^ ; and four leagues beyond this is another
river, very small, called after Pero dc Sintra4. Three leagues
farther on are two very small rivers, but as there is no trade
there I will not name them.
1 Fouche Point, which bounds the estuary on the west, is 4® 24' N.
* Bonny (?).
3 Andoni River (?).
4 By its location it appears to be identifiable with the Opobo (or Imo) River,
but it is by no means a small river, for its mouth is ii miles wide. It is to be
noticed that from this point onwards Pacheco's description of the coast
becomes very much less detailed. For instance, in passing from this river to
the Cameroons River he says nothing about the intervening 100 miles of
coast line which includes such large rivers as the Calabar and Rio del Rcy.
133
Chapter x
Concerning the Serra de Fernam do Poo.
Three things chiefly are to be regarded in the description of a
land ; first, the landmarks and shape of the coast, so that it may
be recognised : and if it cannot be recognised by this first means,
doubts may be removed by the second, namely, the trend of the
coast one is in search of, whether north and south or east and
west or NE and SW, for if the direction of the land then met
with is the same as that sought for, then they will be one and
the same. If this method of identification fails, then observe the
degrees of latitude of the place encountered, whether they be
north or south of the Equator, and if they tally, both those
of the place you are in and of the place you are seeking, then
the degrees being all one and the landmarks1 being in agreement,
you will know for certain where you are. Because this island
with its mountain range is five leagues beyond the last of the
four rivers of which we spoke and because it is of a different
shape from anything in the whole of Guinea, we have placed a
picture of it here. And from Cabo Fermoso, as we have said in
the first paragraph of the ninth chapter of this second book, the
coast runs east and west. This mountain and island were dis¬
covered by Fernam do Poo, a knight of the household of King
Afonso V, and received the name of its discoverer2 ; it is situated
4° north of the Equator. This mountain is very high and in
clear weather it can be seen twenty-five and thirty leagues away?.
* Lacuna.
* Jolo dc Santarem and Pedro d’Escobar, knights of King Alfonso’s house¬
hold who went out in 1470, on Fem3o Gomes’s account, to explore the coast
beyond Cape Palmas, discovered, so it is generally believed, the Islands of
S. Thom6, Anno Bom and Principe : whether Ilha Formosa, discovered by
Fernam do Po, whose name it afterwards received, was discovered then or,
as some have supposed, in i486 during Jo5o Alfonso d’Aveiro’s expedition
to the King of Benin, we possess no evidence to show. The fact that Pacheco
calls him a “knight of the household of King Afonso V” suggests that the
discovery' was prior to the year of that king’s death, namely 1481.
1 Santa Isabel peak (10,190' above sea level) “is visible from westward
on a clear day, or after a tornado, at a distance of 100 miles, but generally
the weather is so hazy that it is obscured beyond quite a short distance ”
( Africa Pilot, Part H, p. 65, 8th edition).
COUNTRY OF THE CAMEROONS
134
The island at the mouth of this bay1 is densely populated and
grows a lot of sugar-cane ; the mainland is five leagues distant.
A ship coming to this land for anchorage will be in 15 fathoms
a half a league from the shore. Slaves may be bartered here for
eight or ten copper bracelets apiece. In this country there are
many large elephants, whose tusks (which we call ivory) we buy,
a large tusk for a copper bracelet ; in addition there is here a fair
abundance of malagueta, of a good and fine quality. Ethiopia
has many things which yield a good profit when brought to
Portugal. The inhabitants of this land3 are called “ Caaboo3,”
and fifty leagues inland is a. . .4 language called “ Bota.”
A gut map a.
Item. All the sea-coast from this Serra de Femam do Poo
to Cabo de Lopo Gonfalvez?, a distance of eighty leagues, is
densely populated and thickly wooded. The sea is very deep,
thirty and forty fathoms half a league from the shore, and
contains many whales and other fish. This country is very near
the Equator, which the ancients declared to be uninhabitable
but experience has shown us that this is not so.
Item. Two leagues beyond this Serra de Femam do Poo to
the NE is the Rio dos CamarSes6, where there is good fishing,
but we have not yet had any trade with the natives of this
locality. Great tornadoes accompanied by very violent winds
are experienced on this coast, and as a safeguard you should furl
sail while they last?.
Item. Twenty leagues S by E from the mouth of the Rio dos
Camar5es is the Serra Guerreira8, which extends for rather more
than a league in length, half a league from the coast. All this
country is well-wooded and its latitude is 3^° N of the Equator.
’ I.e. Bight of Biafra. * I.e. the mainland.
5 These people and their neighbours, the Bota, are probably members of
the Bantu race inhabiting the Cameroons country along with the so-called
pygmies.
4 Text corrupt. The original may have contained something as follows:
** . . .another people, called in their language ‘ Bota.”'
5 I.e. Cape Lopez, the southern limit of the Bight of Biafra.
* I.e. Cameroons River. 7 Cf. Africa Pilot, Part I, p. 36.
1 The Mount Elephant range (?). It is located approximately 30 N. and
60 miles S. by E. of Cameroons River, but is about 8 miles inland and some
17 miles long.
GABON RIVER
135
Item. Twenty-five leagues beyond the Serra Guerreira to
the SE is another range, much smaller, and low, called Serra
Bota1, but, although its population is fairly dense, we have not
as yet heard of any trade there.
Item. Beyond Serra Bota is a small bay surrounded by woods
and at its mouth there is a small low-lying island called Corisco3.
The distance between the Serra and this bay is twenty leagues,
the route lying N by E and S by W. The island is almost joined
to the mainland.
Item. Seventeen leagues beyond the island of Corisco is a
fairly large river having nine fathoms of water at its mouth and
in its channel. It is called Rio do GuabamS. This river runs far
inland and brings down a great quantity of fresh water and its
territory is densely populated, but we have no knowledge of any
trade with the negroes of this or in the preceding countries. This
river and the island of Corisco lie N by E and S by W.
Chapter xi
The routes and landmarks from Rio do Guabam to Cabo
de Caterina, which is also called Cabo Primeiro.
Experience has disabused us of the errors and fictions which
some of the ancient cosmographers were guilty of in their
description of land and sea; for they declared that all the
equatorial country was uninhabitable on account of the heat of
the sun. We have proved this to be false, for beyond the Rio do
Guabam, of which we spoke in the preceding paragraph, is a
low promontory which we call Cabo de Lopo Gonfalvez4 after
1 The Seven Hills (?). Actually these hills rise to a greater elevation than
Mount Elephant, 2800 ft. as against 1700 ft. ; the fact that they are situated
15 miles inland, however, may help to account for Pacheco's statement about
their being much smaller and lower than Serra Guerreira.
* Cf. Africa Pilot, Part u, p. 119. The name “corisco” (meaning “light¬
ning ”) was doubtless conferred upon the bay on account of the frequency of
thunderstorms in this locality.
5 I.e. Gabon River, which is more of an estuary than a river.
4 Cape Lopez is actually the northern extremity of Lopez (or Mandji)
Island, formed by two of the mouths of the Ogowd River.
136 INHABITANTS OF THE EQUATOR
the name of the captain who discovered it; this cape and the
Rio do Guabam lie SW and S and NE by N and occupy twenty-
seven leagues of the route. This Cabo de Lopo Gon^alvez is
exactly on the Equator1 and it is densely populated by negroes,
as densely as in any part of the world. During many years of
navigation and exploration of this part of the Ethiopias of Guinea
we have in many places taken the degrees of latitude, and we have
found that the Equator passes exactly over this promontory and
that the days and nights here are equal or with so little difference
between them as to be scarcely noticeable. Many of the ancients
said that two lands lying east and west of one another would
both have the same degrees of the sun and would be in all things
alike ; as to their equal share of sun this is true, but such is the
variety employed by the majesty of great Nature in her creative
work that we find from experience that the inhabitants of this
promontory of Lopo Gon9alvez and of the rest of Guinea are
very black, whereas the inhabitants of the same latitudes beyond
the Ocean to the west are brown, almost white. These are the
inhabitants of Brazil, of whom we spoke in the second chapter
of our first book. If any should aver that they are white because
of the many forests which protect them from the sun, I would
answer that there are as many and as dense forests in this eastern
side of the Guinea* Ocean; and if they should say that the
inhabitants of Guinea are black because they are naked and the
inhabitants of Brazil white because they wear clothes, I answer
that Nature has given them an equal privilege in this, for they
are all naked as when they were bom ; so that we may say that
the sun affects them equally. And now it only remains to know
if they are both descended from Adam.
Item. Sixty leagues out to sea WNW from Cabo de Lopo
Gon^lvez is the island of Sam Thom63, which was discovered
1 o° 40' S. in reality.
1 I.e. Southern Atlantic.
5 The island of S. Thomi lies between the parallels of o° 24' N. and
o° 01' S. and between the meridians of 6° 28' E. and 6° 46' E. : it is 128 miles
westnorthwest of Cape Lopez, the nearest point on the African mainland.
Although the island is well cultivated to-day, dense forests still clothe the
mountain ranges which radiate from the centre of the island. The luxuriance
of the vegetation is largely the resultant of heavy rainfall, continuously high
temperatures and rich volcanic soils.
s. thom£ island
137
at the bidding of the most serene King John II of Portugal, who
ordered it to be peopled. This island is some fifteen leagues long
and eight leagues wide, and is situated i° N of the Equator. On
the north it has a large bay in which ships of any size can anchor.
This island has the most beautiful tall dense forests in the whole
of the Ethiopias of Guinea, and many good springs and streams
of water. This island also has by far the best sugar-canes grown
anywhere and many very good orange, lemon and citron trees,
in addition to other trees which flourish here. Here, too, there
are many large man-eating crocodiles, both in the streams and
in the sea; there are also vipers, with black backs and white
bellies, of the thickness of a man’s leg and long in proportion,
and these are exceedingly poisonous1. I think that if you wished
to plant mulberry trees here and grow silkworms they would
do exceptionally well.
Item. To the NNE of the island of Sam Thom£ is another
smaller island called Sant’ Antonio or Principe*, twenty-five
leagues distant by sea. It lies 30 N of the Equator. This island
also was discovered and peopled by King John II ; it is very like
the island of Sam Thom6 in character, except that it has not its
serpents.
Item. Twenty-three leagues beyond Cabo de Lopo Gonsalvez
is a small river called Rio das Barreiras3 which lies NW by N
and SE by S with respect to the said Cape and i° 12' south of
the Equator. We do not know if any profit is to be made here,
as the river is very small and shallow and no ships enter its
mouth. The negroes of this land are all heathens and idolaters
and not given to commerce; they live on meat, millet and
sugar-canes.
Item. Twenty leagues beyond the Rio das Barreiras one finds
a small low-lying promontory called Cabo de Caterina4; this
* The Gaboon viper. “Of all serpents, this representative of Africa’s
excessively stout vipers is the most sinister ” (R. L. Ditmars, The Snakes of the
World, Plate 47). Its normal length is about 6 or 7 ft. and its under-markings
are light compared with those on its back ( vide F. Angel, Les Serpents de
VAfrique Occidentale Franfaise, pp. 203-4).
* Now called by the latter name, the former being reserved for one of the
most important bays in the island. It lies between i° 42' N. and x° 32' N.
3 One of the numerous distributaries of the Ogowi River (?).
4 I.e. Cape St Catherine, discovered in 1470/1.
CAPE ST CATHERINE
*38
name was given it by Ruy de Siqueyra, a knight of the household
of King Afonso V, who discovered it on St Catherine s day,
which is the 25th day of November. This cape and the Rio das
Barreiras lie NW by N and SE by S and the land here is low
and well-wooded. Beyond this cape the coast, which takes an
almost eastsoutheast turn, forms a bay which extends for five
leagues. This promontory is 40 30' south of the Equator1. Thus
far extended the discoveries of the excellent prince, King
Afonso V, and here our second book ends, and the third book
begins, concerning the most serene prince, King John II of
Portugal, his son.
* Actually only x°S3' S. Pacheco obviously did not bother to check his
linear reckonings against his astronomical, otherwise he would never have
allowed his reading of 40 30' S. to stand, for this means that Cape St Catherine
and Rio das Barreiras are some 3“ 18' apart (i.e. 60 leagues on his calculation),
whereas he says that they are only 20 leagues apart.
THIRD BOOK
The beginning of the third book of the
Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis, concerning the dis¬
coveries of the most serene Prince , King John II of
Portugal. Here follows , firstly , the Prologue.
Writers who allow things worthy of remembrance to fall into
oblivion deserve great blame ; it is right therefore that we should
record the high deserts of that prince whose glory deserves to
be eternal. For among men bom of women singularly endowed
with divine virtue there arose no man so excellent in his time
as the late most serene prince, King John II of Portugal; and
since the end of blessedness consists in virtues, his noble virtues
of which he had his full share secured a glorious immortality
for his excellent fame. Since our second book concerning King
Afonso V is ended, we must now in this Prologue begin our third
book, telling of the discoveries of the most serene King John.
It is a heavy task, owing to the greatness of the prince whose
deeds we hope to relate ; his famous achievements, known and
spread throughout the globe, should be related by those ancient
fathers of eloquence and learning whose disciples all of us have
been. But since I have been emboldened to undertake the
task, I should not be censured by the learned, much less by
mischievous back-biters and grumblers who in their malice
habitually write books against books slandering and criticising
things well done such as they could never have done themselves.
But what can I say of this prince except that he was a Catholic
after the divine pattern? He excelled in love both towards men
of the highest and lowest estate, and his heart was continually
with God and in him was fulfilled the saying of the most wise
King Solomon that “The fear of the Lord is the beginning of
wisdom1.” In understanding and singular talent he excelled all
the men of our time. He was the soul and essence of truth, so
‘ Proverbs ix, io.
I4o CHARACTER OF JOHN II
that we believed in his word as in the Gospel. The beauty of his
soul corresponded to the beauty of his bodily appearance; his
knowledge and counsel seemed to be divine, so that he accom¬
plished great deeds. He knew also how to be liberal with
discretion, guarding himself from the vices of avarice and
prodigality. In all that he did he was great, and the strength of
his heart is worthy of great praise, based as it was on an honest
peace of mind of great power ; he was esteemed by all the princes
of Christendom as excelling in all his deeds, and equally by the
Moors. When only sixteen he was knighted at the capture of
Arzila, which the King, his father, took by force of arms from
the Moors, but all the praise that can be ascribed to him must
needs fall short of his great excellence. He ever maintained
justice in his republic, over which he ruled as a loving shepherd,
and his yoke was light1. His device was a pelican (which we have
drawn here) plucking its breast to give its blood to its young.
His motto was “Polla ley e Polla grey3”; and he was consistent
in all things. But I will say no more that I may not be blamed
for prolixity, although prolixity when well employed is no bad
“Polla ley e Polla grey.”
Chapter i
Concerning the discoveries of the most serene Prince ,
King John II of Portugal .
Ancient writers greatly praised the navigation which Menelaus
is said to have made from Calez to the Arabian Gulf and which
Eudoxus also made from the same place to Calez and which
Hanno of Carthage made from Spain to the Arabian Gulf, all
three making the same voyage. Moreover, Pliny says, in the
69th chapter^ of the second book of his Natural History, in which
* Cf. St Matthew xi. 30. 1 I.e. “ For the law and for the people.”
s Actually the 67th chapter. The passage, the sense of which Pacheco
distorts, runs as follows : “ We learn from Cornelius Nepos, that one Eudoxus,
a contemporary of his, when he was flying from King Lathyrus, set out from
the Arabian Gulf, and was carried as far as Gades. And long before him,
Caelius Antipater informs us that he had seen a person who had sailed from
Spain to Ethiopia for the purposes of trade ” (Bostock and Riley’s translation).
EXPLORATION UNDER JOHN II 141
he quotes Celius Antipatcr and also Cornelius Nepos, that
these men saw persons sail, for trading purposes, from Spain to
Ethiopia or Guinea, which they considered a most notable
achievement. But I say that, for all their knowledge of those
parts, the best part of all these regions and provinces remained
for us as virgin soil ; for we have found out and know in great
detail all the country of the Ethiopias of Guinea and India. In
particular we have sailed along the coast and have many years’
experience of the way of life of the negroes of this region and
of their trade and idolatries. In this we, the Portuguese, have
excelled the ancients and modems in such wise that we may
justly say that, compared with us, they knew nothing. This was
due to the great intelligence of our princes mentioned in this
book and the courage of their hearts, so that they spent their
treasure in the discovery of these lands only to win immortal
fame; with very happy results, for those who previously were
ignorant of the faith of Our Lord Jesus Christ and were lost,
body and soul, now through communication with us have know¬
ledge of it and are on the way to salvation, for many of the
Ethiopians who have been brought to Portugal have become
Christians and have received the water of holy baptism, so that
they ought certainly to be saved. The worst drawback from the
point of view of the composition of this work of ours is that it
so happens that in the part discovered by the most serene King
John the country from Cabo de Caterina is mostly deserted or
if inhabited has little or no trade; had it been rich in trade as
the preceding region I should have had much greater pleasure
in describing the advantages to be derived from it.
Item. Beyond Cabo de Caterina, which we mentioned in the
last paragraph of the second book, are some fairly high red cliffs
above the coast which extend for about a league along the shore1 ;
Cabo de Caterina lies with respect to these NW by W and SE
by E and the intervening distance is twenty leagues. The latitude
of these cliffs is 50 south. The country is densely wooded and
thickly populated, and here there are many elephants and many
other animals of various kinds.
* The neighbourhood of Panga Point (?) (vide Africa Pilot, Part XI,
P- X59)-
CONGO RIVER
142
Item. Twelve leagues beyond these red cliffs are two thickets
above the coast, with exceptionally tall trees. The littoral is all
beach and the coast rugged, the hinterland being neither very
high nor very low, but of average elevation. The red cliffs and
these thickets lie NNW and SSE and occupy twelve leagues, as
I have said.
Item. Twenty-five leagues to the SSW of these thickets is
a large river which we call Rio do Padram1 and which was
discovered at the bidding of the most serene King John II by
Dieguo Ca2o, a knight of his household, in the year of Our
Lord 1484. The latitude of this river is 70 south1; in winter,
which lasts here from April till the end of September, it brings
down so great a volume of fresh water that it is felt thirty leagues
out at sea3. When it was discovered they set up beyond its mouth
* I.e. Congo River. Diogo C5o, who discovered this river on his first
African voyage in 1483, and not 1484 {vide W. Ravenstein, "The Voyages of
D. do and Bartholomcu Dias,” Royal Geographical Journal, 1900, pp. 627
tt seq.), was the first to carry “padrSes” (or stone pillars) on a Portuguese
exploring voyage. Up to his time the Portuguese had been content to erect
perishable wooden crosses, or to carve inscriptions into trees to mark the
progress of their discoveries. King John conceived the idea of using stone
pillars, surmounted by a cross and bearing, in addition to the royal arms,
an inscription recording in Portuguese and sometimes in Latin, the date, the
name of the king by whose order the voyage was made and the name of the
commander. The four “padrSes” set up by C3o on his two voyages have
been discovered in situ and the inscriptions upon two of them — one for each
voyage— are still legible and have been deciphered. The Congo "padrio”
was broken into fragments, wantonly so it would seem, by the Dutch when
they occupied the Congo in 1642. Although two large fragments of it have
been rescued, it has not been possible to reconstruct the inscription. However
it is probable that, in its main elements, it followed the plan of the second
“padrio” erected on Cio’s first voyage, namely at Cape St Mary. On this
pillar, which stands about 7 ft. high, the inscription, written in Portuguese only,
runs as follows : " In the year 6681 of the world, and in that of 1482 since the
birth of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the most serene, most excellent and potent
prince, King John II of Portugal did order this land to be discovered and
these ‘padr&es’ to be set up by D° Cio, an esquire of his household.”
* Actually 6° S.
1 The coolest months in the lower Congo are from June to the beginning
of October, when very little rain falls. During the fim ten days of October
the weather changes, becoming showery with intervals of dryness. By the
end of the month the hot, or rainy, season is fully established and it lasts,
with the exception of an interlude in January and February — the *' little dry
season ’’ — right on until the end of April. The correlation between the seasons
and the volume of the Congo is hardly as simple as Pacheco seems to think.
The Congo itself, and its left bank affluents, more especially the Kasai, have
two periods of high level and two periods of low level each year. The river is
**~v «
Series II.VoL LXXIX
hakluyt society
THE COASTS OF WEST AND SOUTH AFRICA ON AN ITALIAN CHART OF e. 1508
British Museum, Egerton MS. 2803
KINGDOM OF CONGO
H3
to the SE a tall stone pillar with a threefold inscription, in Latin,
Portuguese and Arabic, and it was accordingly called Rio do
Padram. Its channel has a depth of eight to ten fathoms. This
is the kingdom of Conguo, of which we will speak in the following
chapter. The inscription speaks of the King by whose command
the discovery was made and the date.
Chapter ii
Concerning the Kingdom of Conguo and the country
of the AnzicoSy where they eat men.
Above this Rio do Padram concerning which we have spoken
in the above paragraph of the third book is the Kingdom of
Conguo. The natives call this river “EmzazcV’ It rises in the
interior in some mountains fifty leagues distant from the coast1 ;
its size is increased by numerous tributary rivers and the negroes
of this country use many large canoes. There is much fishing
there, but the region is very liable to fever. The native word for
lord is “many,” thus “maniconguo” means the “Lord of
Conguo.”
low in March and July, high in May and December. “This double maximum
and double minimum are due, not so much to the alternate flooding of the
tributaries lying, respectively, northward and southward of the Equator, as
was formerly believed, as to the double rainy season in the region southward
of the Equator. The northern affluents contribute to the result, but the
southern appear to control the level of the river” ( Africa Pilot, Part n, p. 181).
During these rainy seasons, the current is very rapid, probably about 4 knots,
and so great is its volume that "the surface water is still quite fresh at a
distance of 9 miles seaward of the mouth of the Congo, and it is only partially
mixed with that of the sea at a distance of 40 miles from the coast: whilst
discoloration caused by the fresh water, and also a perceptible current has
been reported 300 miles offshore ” (ibid. pp. 179, 180). Diogo C#o, according
to a statement on Soligo’s chart of this region, found fresh water 5 leagues
out to sea.
1 This is a corruption of the native word "Nzadi” signifying "great
river,” but at the present time applied specifically to the Congo. It was from
this word probably, that the common Portuguese appellative for the Congo —
"zaire” — was coined.
1 Seeing that Pacheco has just told us that the current of the Congo is felt
30 leagues out to sea, it is surprising that he should be content to give it so
small a length — less than that of the Tagus !
COMMERCE OF CONGO
144
As soon as the most serene King John discovered this country
he sought to convert Maniconguo and his people to Christianity1.
For this purpose he sent out monks and priests to teach them
the articles of our faith. They took with them rich church
ornaments, organs and other necessary things ; when Maniconguo
and the nobles and people saw the Mass and other divine
services they were very pleased and he and the nobles were at
once baptised and became Christians, but he would not allow
the rest to be baptised, saying that so good and holy a thing
should not be bestowed on men of low degree. However they
did not give up their many wives, for they had always had them
and it was impossible to change [the practice]. Furthermore,
owing to our infrequent communication with these people, they
are rapidly losing their Christianity.
Item. In this land of Maniconguo there is no gold, nor do
they know what gold is ; but there is much fine copper and many
elephants, which they call “za3o”; we barter the copper and
ivory for linen, which the natives call “molele.” In this Kingdom
of Conguo they make cloths of palm-leaf as soft as velvet, some
of them embroidered with velvet satin, as beautiful as any made
in Italy; this is the only country in the whole of Guinea where
they know how to make these cloths. A few slaves are obtained
in this country but we know of no other commerce.
Item. Beyond the Conguo country to the NE there is another
country called Anzica, its lord in our day being called Emcuqua-
anzico. The inhabitants, like those of Conguo, are black and are
branded on the forehead or temples with a circle in the shape
of a snail. They are usually at war with Maniconguo, and any
who die in battle, either on their own side or on that of the
enemy, they straightway eat, and they also eat anyone who
appears to be sick unto death. This land is situated very far
1 Barr os tells us that Clo, on his second voyage, brought back the sons of
some of Manicongo’s courtiers to be instructed in the Christian faith and that
Manicongo himself asked for priests to instruct the people (op. cit. Decade I,
book in, chap. 3). Ruy de Pina, who gives us the best account of the spread
of Christianity in the Congo, adds that Manicongo also desired to have masons
and carpenters to erect churches and houses, so that he might be able to
model his kingdom as far as possible on the Portuguese pattern (Cromca de
D. Jodo II, chaps. 58-63).
THE CONGO COAST
145
from the coast in the interior, and we do not know of any profit
to be had there.
Item. Some thirty-five leagues beyond Rio do Pad ram, of
which we have spoken above, is the small river called Rio do
Mondeguo1 ; here the coast forms a bay of a little more than a
league and at its mouth there are two small islands, low and
level and sparsely wooded, called Ilhas das Cabras3. They are
very near the mainland and the negroes who inhabit them belong
to the lordship of Maniconguo, the Conguo country extending
even beyond them. The negroes of these islands pick up small
shells (of the size of pine-nuts in their shell) which they call
“zinbos.” These are used as money in the country of Mani¬
conguo ; fifty of them will buy a hen, and three hundred a goat
and so forth ; and when Maniconguo wishes to confer a favour
on one of his nobles or reward a service done to him, he orders
him to be given a certain number of these “zinbos,” just as our
princes bestow money of these realms on those who deserve it,
and often on those who do not. In the country of Beny, con¬
cerning which I wrote in the fourth paragraph of the seventh
chapter of the second book, they use as money shells which they
call “ iguou,” a little larger than these “ zimbos ” of Maniconguo ;
they use them to buy everything and he who has most of them
is the richest. The country from Rio do Padram to Rio do
Mondeguo and the Ilhas das Cabras along the coast is flat and
well wooded; it lies north and south and occupies thirty-five
leagues of the route, as I have said above. The Ilhas das Cabras
are situated 90 south of the Equator and by this they can be
recognised. Off these islands at thirty fathoms there is extremely
abundant fishing.
Item. Twenty leagues beyond the Ilha[s] das Cabras is the
point called Ponta das Camboas3, so-called because when Dieguo
Caao, a knight of the household of the late King John, discovered
this land, he found some fish-garths here in which negroes were
1 Bengo River {vide Ravenstein, op. at. p. 652).
1 Loando Island and Loando Reef. Cf. Africa Pilot, Part 11, p. 202.
J Cape S3o Braz (io° S.) according to Ravenstein {op. cit. p. 652), but the
Pilot speaks of no off-shore dangers. Cape Lcdo (90 45' S.) seems to be a
more likely identification {vide Africa Pilot, Part n, p. 207). “Camboas”
signifies fish-garth, dam or weir.
HK
10
CAPE ST MARY
146
fishing and so he gave it this name. This point is full of hidden
rocks. Beyond, there is a very small river like a creek ; it has no
trade and need not be described. This point lies NNVV and
SSE in respect of the Ilha[s] das Cabras and is twenty leagues
along the route; its latitude is io^° south.
Item. Ponta das Camboas and Ponta de Sam Louren^1 lie
north and south and occupy twenty leagues of the route ; all this
country is very flat and less wooded than the preceding.
Chapter iii
Concerning the routes, distances and degrees beyond
Ponta de Sam Lourenfo.
The discovery of these Ethiopias cost Prince Henry the death
of many men and much expense, for he was the first discoverer
of the great things we have found worthy to record. For this
reason, we will continue to describe the whole of the country
with its harbours, bays, routes and degrees of latitude, so as to
observe a proper order and to make known the coast and sea¬
board for the benefit of those who come after us, in case they
need it.
Item. Beyond Ponta de Sam Lourenfo, of which we wrote in
the last paragraph of the second chapter of Book III, there begins
a bay3. ..of Santa Maria: beyond, the coast runs straight and
at eighteen leagues, reckoning from Ponta de Sam Lourenfo, it
forms a promontory called Ponta Preta3 ; it was given this name
because they use a black "manilha4” there. Ponta de Sam
Lourengo and Ponta Preta lie N and S and occupy eighteen
leagues of the route. The country is not as well-wooded as the
preceding region. Ponta Preta is situated 130 40' south of the
Equator.
x Mono Point (?). Cf. Africa Pilot, Part II, p. 208.
* Lacuna. The sense is supplied by the insertion of some such words as
“which has the name.” The bay in question is Bcnguela Bay.
3 I.e. Cape St Mary, 130 26' S.
4 Ravenstein gives the following explanation of the name : “ it was called
Ponta Preta. . .because of a black trump — manilha negra — which was
played here in a game of ‘manille’” (op. cit. p. 631).
THE ANGOLA COAST
147
Item. Ponta Preta and Monte Negro lie N and S and occupy
25 leagues of the route. This mountain, which is not very lofty,
rises above the sea. It was named Monte Negro because it is
covered by a low, even thicket which makes a darker showing
than the sand surrounding it. This part of the coast is practically
desert and has a very sparse population. The latitude of Monte
Negro is 1 50 20' south.
Item. Eight leagues beyond Monte Negro is a large bay
which runs inland a league and a half. It is called Angra das
Aldeas1, because, when Dieguo Ca3o discovered this coast at
the bidding of the late King John, he found two large villages
inside this bay. The negroes of this land are poor and live
entirely on fish, which is plentiful in this neighbourhood; they
are idolaters. There is no profit to be made here. From Monte
Negro thither the coast runs NE and SW and occupies eight
leagues ; and all this country along the sea is low.
Item. Beyond Angra das Aldeas is a bay some two leagues
wide at the mouth, called Mangua das Areas1; it runs five or
six leagues inland and both inside and at its mouth has a depth
of twelve and fifteen fathoms. The country is a treeless desert
containing nothing but sand. There is much fishing inside the
bay and at certain times of the year negroes from the interior
come to fish here ; these make huts of whalebones covered with
seaweed and sprinkled with sand and lead a miserable existence.
This Mangua das Areas and the Angra das Aldeas lie NE and
SW and occupy fifteen leagues of the route. The latitude of
Mangua das Areas is i6£° south.
Item. Six leagues beyond the Mangua das Areas the land
forms a low point covered with sand, called Ponta das Pedras*,
so called because in front of this point and beyond it are many
large rocks. The coast to this point runs NE by E and SW by W
and occupies six leagues of the route. The land is very low and
difficult to distinguish, but it can be recognised by the fact that it
is 1 6° 40' S of the Equator: this is its best landmark.
* The vicinity of Albino Point, 150 55' S. {vide Africa Pilot, Part 11, p. 227).
* I.e. Tiger Peninsula, 160 30' S. (vide Africa Pilot, Part it, p. 228).
3 I.e. Monte Vermelho, near the southern extremity of Great Fish Bay,
160 50' S.
10-2
148 DESERT COAST
Item. Ponta das Pedras and Cabo Negro1 lie N and S and
occupy twelve leagues of the route. This cape is very low, and
the surrounding country is all sand except at the point of this
cape where there is a black patch, hence the name of the cape ,
it only appears as a cape when one is a league away at sea, for
at three and four leagues the coast appears to be straight. This
country is difficult to navigate ; its winter lasts from the month
of April till the end of September. Ships bound for India always
keep 250 and more leagues out to sea in order to avoid this
part of the coast.
Chapter iv
of the third hook of the Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis.
There were many opinions in times past among the learned in
Portugal as to the discovery of the Ethiopias of Guinea and of
India. Some said that it was better not to trouble about dis¬
covering the sea-coast but to cross the Ocean until you reached
some country in or adjoining India, and this would make the
voyage shorter; others held that it would be better to discover
the coast gradually and learn the routes and landmarks and the
peoples of each region, so as to have certain knowledge of the
country they were seeking, for in no other way would it be
possible to know the land. It seems to me that the second opinion,
which was followed, was the better, and so the discovery pro¬
ceeded along the coast. We must thus continue our description
of the coast from Cabo Negro in the same manner as we have
written above about the said land.
Item. Seventeen leagues beyond Cabo Negro are some sand¬
hills along the sea, six or seven in all, rather higher than the
surrounding country. The whole of this coast is desert and
uninhabited, and from Cabo Negro to these sand-hills it runs
N and S and occupies seventeen leagues of the route. The
latitude of these hills is 190 south.
Item. The coast from the sand-hills to Angra de Ruy Pires*
* Cape Frio(?) (mdt Africa Pilot, Part ii, p. *31).
* Ravenstcin locates it off Uniab River, igc 50' S. (op. cit. p. 653). Exact
identification is impossible from the Africa Pilot. Ruy Pirez was presumably
one of Diogo CSo’s men but nothing is known of him.
DIOGO CAO AT CAPE CROSS
*49
runs midway between N and S and N by W and S by E and
occupies twenty leagues of the route. All this country is very
low, sandy and deserted. In this bay six or seven small vessels
can anchor in eight fathoms a gunshot from land on a clean
bottom ; the latitude of the bay is 20° south.
Item. Twenty-five leagues beyond Angra de Ruy Pi res is
another small bay called Angra de Santo Amaro1; it is very
small, and all this country is deserted and covered with sand.
Angra de Ruy Pires and Angra de Santo Amaro lie NNW and
SSE and occupy the said twenty-five leagues of the route, and
this Angra de Santo Amaro is situated 2i£° south of the Equator.
Item. Angra de Santo Amaro and Arcaees lie N and S and
occupy twelve leagues of the route ; the coast is deserted, being
nothing but sand, hence the name “os Areaees V* They are
220 20' south of the Equator. Ten leagues beyond the Areaees is
a point called the Cabo do Padram*, which has a stone pillar
with an inscription in three languages, in Latin, Arabic and
Portuguese4, all three in the same tenor, giving the date, after
the creation of the world and in the year of Our Lord Jesus
Christ, when King John II of Portugal ordered the discovery
of this coast by Dieguo Ca5o, knight of his household and
captain of his ships. This cape and the Areaees lie N and S and
occupy ten leagues of the route as stated ; its latitude is 220 45'
south. This country is low and difficult to recognise, its best
landmarks being the elevation of the Antarctic Pole and its
degrees from the Equator.
* Ambrose Bay (?) (vide Africa Pilot, Part II, pp. 232-3).
* I.e. sandy places — a description that is applicable to practically any part
of this stretch of coast.
5 I.e. Cape Cross, 210 50' S. This cape, according to the legend on
H. Martcllus Germanus’s map of c. 1489, coincides approximately with
Clo’s “farthest south,” for he only “proceeded onwards as far as the Serra
Parda. . .and here he died.”
* This “padrio” remained in situ until 1893, when it was carried off to
Kiel by the captain of the German ship Falke. It bore only two inscrip¬
tions, in Gothic letters, one in Portuguese and the other in Latin, together
with the arms of John II (adopted in 1485). The Portuguese inscription says:
“ In the year bjMbjcbnocb (6685) of the creation of the world, and of Christ
llllclxxxb (1485) the excellent, illustrious King D. Jo5o II of Portugal did
direct this land to be discovered, and this padrilo to be set up by D° C5o, an
esquire of his household.” The dates in the Latin inscription are in Arabic
characters, which may perhaps account for Pacheco’s mistake.
150 THE COUNTRY BEYOND CAPRICORN
Item. Cabo do Padram and Praya das Pedras1 lie N and S
and occupy twelve leagues of the route. This beach is five or
six leagues long and most of it is covered with rocks ; at the end
of it is a very small bay3 which lies precisely under the tropic
of Capricorn and so its latitude is 23 0 33' south. All this coast
is a sandy desert but there is very abundant fishing here. From
this point navigation becomes difficult: in the months of June,
July and August, however, north and northwesterly winds blow
in this neighbourhood and are favourable for the voyage to the
Cabo de Boa Esperan9a.
Chapter v
Concerning the country beyond the tropic of Capricorn.
Great has been the glory acquired by the virtuous Prince Henry
who initiated this navigation and discovery, and by King
Afonso V and King John II, his son, and especially by our Lord
the most serene prince, King Manuel, in discovering this un¬
known country of the Ethiopias of Guinea, which all the ancients
maintained could never be reached by navigation. To that
magnanimous man, our Emperor Manuel, has fallen the most
glorious part, for he discovered nearly the whole of Ethiopia
under Egypt and the most distant kingdoms of India, in which
regions at his bidding great conquests and singular victories have
been achieved, as we shall relate in the fourth book ; but we must
first finish this third book and follow our plan of describing the
coast in due order.
Item. The coast between Praya das Pedras and Angra da
Comceip$am3 lies midway between north and south and N by W
and S by E and occupies 25 leagues of the route. All this coast
half a league from shore is foul with great reefs of rock; the
1 I.e. Rock Bay, 22® 18' S.
* The mouth of the Swakop River, 22® 40' S. (?) (vide Africa Pilot, Part 11,
P- 23S)‘
* Conception Bay, 24° S., or Spencer Bay, 25® 35' S. Ravenstein (op. cit.)
identifies it with Walvis Bay, but this is only 22® 53' S.
THE CAPE VOLTAS REGION 151
hinterland is low and covered with sand and difficult to find.
The latitude of the bay is 25 0 30' south.
Item. Fifteen leagues beyond the Angra da Comceip^am is
another small bay called Angra da Balea1; they lie midway
between N and S and N by W and S by E. The bottom along
all this coast is clean; in thirty fathoms one will be a league
from shore, and here there is good fishing. The latitude of this
bay is 26^° south*.
Item. Angra da Balea and Terra das Baixas* lie N by W and
S by E and occupy twenty leagues of the route. This locality
has some coastal shallows of rock which run out into the sea for
not more than a quarter of a league and in length extend for
about a league; this Terra das Baixas is 270 30' south of the
Equator. Ten leagues beyond the said Terra das Baixas is a
small bay with an islet at its mouth4, and behind the coast the
land becomes more elevated, and assumes the appearance of a
mountain range; and from Terra das Baixas to this range the
coast runs midway between north and south and N by E and
S by W and occupies the aforesaid ten leagues of the route.
Item. Fifteen leagues beyond this range is the beautiful
Angra das Voltas5, with a wide inlet to the NW. This coast runs
N and S ; but he who leaves this mountain, bound south, must
keep close to land and if it be night should steer south by west.
This Angra das Voltas runs inland a good league and a half, and
a hundred ships can anchor here in ten to twelve fathoms, safe
in all weathers. The bay is a league or more across and contains
some rocky islets, and there is good fishing here; it was dis¬
covered by Bertholameu Diaz at the bidding of the late King
John and is located 290 20' south of the Equator. The country
is bare and unwooded.
1 Luderitz Bay, 26° 35' S. (?).
* Cf. p. 24, where the latitude is given as 21 0 S.
3 The coast in the neighbourhood of Prince of Wales Island, 27° 10' S.
(vide Africa Pilot, Part 11, p. 256).
4 Baker Bay, 27°4o' S. It is entered between Black Sophie rock and
Sinclair Island — a small guano island. The hinterland is dotted with hills
of volcanic formation and. presents quite a mountainous appearance (vide
Africa Pilot, Part II, p. 257). Ravenstein believes that it is to be identified
with Spencer Bay, but this is only 25*43' S.
3 Peacock Roadstead to the south of Cape Voltas (28* 42' S.) (?). Raven-
stein (op. cit.) favours Luderitz Bay.
ST HELENA BAY
152
Item. Twenty leagues beyond Angra das Voltas is the Serra
da Pena1; this range is fairly high, treeless and covered with
rocks. All this country along the coast is deserted. He who
makes for these mountains from Angra das Voltas should stand
four leagues out to sea ; by steering SSE he will make the said
Serra da Pena and be 20 leagues farther on the route, as already
stated. This Serra is 30° 20' south of the Equator. Just beyond
this Serra the coast forms a bay with an islet, and farther beyond
still there is a lofty tableland* near the coast: the extremity of
this tableland and the said Serra lie NW and SE and occupy ten
leagues of the route.
Chapter vi
Concerning Serra da Pena and its tableland , and of the
routes and landmarks of the country as far as Cabo de Boa
Esperanfa.
Great favour have we received from the Lord from whom all
blessings proceed, for He has given us time and ability to finish
the work we have begun, but it is with no small effort that we
have written here of the toilsome way, more difficult of dis¬
covery than might appear. Our princes who undertook this
[enterprise] did not spend their lives and treasures in vain, since
they attained the desired end. In order that the navigation of
this Ethiopia and its coast may be known in detail for all time,
we must continue our plan and fulfil our promise.
Item. Twenty-five leagues farther on there is a peak* which
lies NNW-SSE with the tableland of the Serra : it is fairly high
and rocky. This part of the coast during its winter, which begins
1 The hills rising behind Hondeklip Bay, 30° 20' S. (vide Africa Pilot,
Part 11, p. 268).
* There ia no lofty tableland near the coast, but 40 miles southeast of
Hondeklip Bay there is a plateau about 14 miles inland rising to nearly
2000 ft. There is also a very high range of mountains at a considerable distance
inland of this plateau — the Lange Berg. Vide Africa Pilot, Part 11, p. 269.
i I.e. Kapiteins Kloof, 3410 ft — “a very conspicuous summit in the Piket-
berg range of mountains.” Africa Pilot, Part n, p. 273.
THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE
153
in April and lasts till the end of September, is stormy and cold.
The principal landmark of this locality is the latitude ; the peak
is 32J0 south of the Equator.
Item. Twelve leagues beyond this peak is a bay called Angra
de Santa Elena1 : it is fairly large and dangerous because of its
many reefs of rock ; the peak and this bay lie N and S and occupy
12 leagues of the route, as we have stated. The whole of this
coast is foul with rocks. On the south the bay runs into a point*,
where there are shallows and here one must be very careful ; its
latitude is 320 30' south of the Equator*.
Item. He who sails beyond Angra de Santa Elena should
stand three leagues out to sea because of the presence of some
reefs of rock here; all this coast has a sandy beach. Twelve
leagues beyond Angra de Santa Elena is a point called Ponta
da Praya4; this point and the aforesaid bay lie NW and SE; the
latitude of the point is 340 10' south of the Equator.
Eight leagues beyond Ponta da Praya is a beautiful pro¬
montory which we call Cabo de Boa Esperan^aS ; it lies NNW
and SSE with the Ponta da Praya and is 340 30' south of the
Equator. On the opposite page we have given a painting6 of the
Cape made on the spot, and in the following chapter we will
describe the cape at greater length.
Chapter vii
Concerning the discovery of Cabo de Boa Esperanfa,
where Africa ends.
It was with good reason that this promontory was called Cabo
de Boa Esperan^a, for Bertholameu Diaz, who discovered it at
the command of the late King John in the year 14887, when he
* I.e. St Helena Bay.
* I.e. Cape St Martin, 32°43' S.
3 As Pacheco gives 320 30' S. for both the bay and the peak, and says that
they are 12 leagues apart, it is obvious that they lie approximately east and
west and not north and south.
4 I.e. Green Point in Table Bay.. 330 54' S.
5 Cape of Good Hope is actually 340 21' S.
6 Vide Introduction, p. xxx.
7 No official report of Bartholomew Dias’s voyage exists and neither Ruy
de Pina nor Garcia de Resendc describes it, and although J0S0 de Barros
THE COUNTRY OF THE CAPE
154
saw that the coast here turned northwards and northeastwards
towards Ethiopia under Egypt and on to the Gulf of Arabia,
giving great hope of the discovery of India, called it the “ Cape
of Good Hope1.” Its latitude is 340 30' (or half a degree) south,
as we have said above. The land is very high and shaped as
appears in our picture. During its winter, from the month of
April till the end of the month of September, it is very cold and
stormy5. The negroes of this region are heathen, bestial people,
and they wear skins and sandals of raw hide; they are not as
black as the negroes of Jalofo, Mandingua and other parts of
Guinea. There is no trade here, but there are many cows, goats
and sheep and there is plenty of fish. In this country there are
large cats called "baboys,” almost of the size of a man, with
large beards, which one has to see in order to believe3. Some
say that this Cape is the promontory called Plaso4 of which
Ptolemy spoke, but I do not think so ; I think rather it must be
the Montes Lunae in which Ptolemy says the Nile rises, for in
the very position which Ptolemy gave to these mountains3, in
34J0 south of the Equator, there the promontory of Boa
Esperan^a is found, so that the distance from the Equator in
degrees answers to the Montes Lunae ; moreover the shape of
gives a brief account his dates are unreliable. According to him (op. cit.
Decade 1, book m, chap. 4) Dias started in 1486 and returned in the December
of the following year. Pacheco’s date of 1488 receives corroboration from
two marginal notes (recognised by scholars as being in the handwriting of
Christopher Columbus), one in a copy of Pierre d’Ailly’s Tractatus de Imagine
Mundi, now in the Columbine Library at Seville, and the other in a copy of
the Historia rerum ubique gestarum of Pope Pius II. Moreover Pacheco met
Diaa on his return voyage at Ilho de Principe and wrote c. a.d. 1505, whereas
Barros did not write until c. A.D. 1550.
* The usual tradition, based upon Barros (op. cit.), is that Dias named it
the Stormy Cape on account of the dangers and storms he and his men had
passed through in doubling it, but that King John changed it to that of Cape
of Good Hope because it gave promise of the discovery of India which had
been sought for so many years.
1 While gales are not infrequent accompaniments of winter, the mean
winter temperature in the Cape region is 53 0 F., i.e. 40 F. higher than that of
Lisbon.
3 I.e. the leopard. It is still quite common in Cape Province. Vide W. L.
Sclater, The Mammals of South Africa, vol. I, pp. 34-8.
* I.e. Prasum Promontorium, Ptolemy’s “ farthest south ” in East Africa :
it is commonly regarded as being identical with C. Delgado to the south of
Zanzibar.
* Vide Introduction, p. xx.
CIRCUMFERENCE OF AFRICA
155
this country answers to Ptolemy’s description of the said
mountains, so that they appear to be one and the same. For
these reasons the Cape is easy to find ; it can also be found by
the course of the sun, for, at whatever time of the year a person
may be here, the sun will always be to the north of him and the
shadow to the south, the exact contrary of what happens in the
part of the world in which we live, for with us the sun is always
to the south and the shadow to the north. At this promontory
Africa comes to an end in the Ocean [i.e. Atlantic], and is
divided from Asia1 ; from this point the boundary of Africa runs
due north following the course of the Nile, through the midst
of the Ethiopias of Trogouditas3 to Damiata on the sea of
Egypt; here, near Libya it turns and follows the coast of
Carthage until it terminates in the great city of Cepta ; thence it
follows Tingitania and the coast of the Atlantic and the Ethiopias
of Guinea, as described in this book, until it comes to an end
again in the Cabo de Boa Esperan^a, as we stated in the middle
of the fifth chapter of the first book. This is the circumference
of Africa, as may be seen in the painting of the map of the world
and general description given in that chapter. The circumference
of Africa is 3,850 leagues; its length, beginning at the Rio de
Qanagud and running due east to the river Nile, is 840 leagues;
its breadth, going due south from Tripoli in Berbery to the sea
of Guinea at the Rio dos Escravos, is 500 leagues; and this is
its circumference, length and breadth, as we have said, and these
are its boundaries and coasts, which do not have gulfs running
into them, as they do in Europe and Asia. All this we have
ascertained in great detail. On this promontory of Boa Esperan$a
herbs, like those of Portugal, are to be found : for here there is
much mint and camomile and cress ; there are also many other
herbs of the same nature as those in this country [i.e. Portugal].
* In book I, chap. 5, Pacheco indicates the limits of Africa commencing at
the mouth of die Nile. In conformity with the general classical view he makes
the Nile the continental frontier and since the Nile rose in the "Mountains
of the Moon ” which he erroneously identifies with the mountains of Cape
Province, it was quite natural that he should regard the Cape as the southern
boundary point.
1 I.e. the Troglodytes (or cave-dwellers) who according to Herodotus and
later writers inhabited a mountainous region in the Sahara near the Gara-
mantes, some 30 days’ journey south from Tripoli.
156 PROJECTED DESCRIPTION OF ASIA
There are also wild olives, oaks and heather which yields berries,
and other trees like ours. The cause of this [similarity] is the
movement of the sun which gives life to all things, for Lisbon
is about the same number of degrees north of the Equator as
Cabo de Boa Esperan^a is south of it ; for this reason Portugal
and this country are alike in their trees and herbs and fruits.
However, the seasons are opposite ; when it is winter here, it is
summer there, and when it is summer here, it is winter there;
for the sun in its movement away from us, and towards us, being
the same degrees distant from the Equator towards the Cape as
towards the other [i.e. Lisbon] produces the same herbs and
fruits and trees, although the seasons are different, as we have
learnt by experience. Aqui tnapa.
Chapter viii
Concerning t)ie routes , landmarks and degrees as far as
Ilheo da Cruz , where the discoveries of the most serene King
John II ended.
Having now described Africa and Ethiopia and their circum¬
ference, length and breadth we must not omit Asia, even though
it is so large that the greater part has always remained unknown
both to the ancients and to us modems who have discovered
a good part of it. We will only write of the part navigated at
the command of this most serene King our lord, who discovered
Ethiopia under Egypt and a great part of the Arabian Gulf and
the Persian Gulf and all the coast of Persia and a great part of
India. We will begin at Cabo de Boa Esperan9a, where Africa
is divided from Asia, describing the coast to Ilheo da Cruz,
where our third book containing the discoveries of the excellent
King John II ends. Our fourth and fifth books will deal with
the discoveries of our Emperor Manuel, as we promised towards
the end of our first Prologue. We will describe the routes and
landmarks of this coast and the latitudes of its harbours and
rivers, each in its proper order.
MOSSEL BAY
*57
Item. It is apparent from our illustration and painting of
Cabo de Boa Esperan^a that the bay or gulf formed by the cape
turns eastwards. Fifteen leagues eastwards from the front of
this cape is the point called Ponta de Sam Brandam1, lying in
the same parallel as the cape; the coast between them rims in
a straight line ; it is almost flat, but inland are some high rocky
mountains which continue a great part of the way.
Item. Beyond Ponta de Sam Brandam is another point called
Ponta do Infante*, beyond which is an islet a quarter of a league
from the mainland; on all this coast there is much fishing.
Ponta de Sam Brandam and Ponta do Infante lie ENE and
WSW and occupy seventeen leagues of the route; we believe
that there is no commerce or barter in this land and will therefore
not describe it in greater detail.
Item. Twenty leagues beyond Ponta do Infante there is a
cape called Cabo das Vacas3, so called because of the many cows
seen here. It lies east and west with respect to the aforesaid
Ponta do Infante and is 20 leagues along the route as mentioned.
Item. Three leagues beyond Cabo das Vacas is a large bay,
four or five leagues round, called Angra de Sam Bras4 ; the coast
from Cabo de Boa Esperan^a to this bay runs ENE and WSW
half the way and the rest of the way to the bay NE by E and
SW by W, the latitude of Angra de Sam Bras being 350 20'
south. In this bay is an islet5 close to the shore, on which there
are many very large sea- wolves, which have the shoulders, necks
and manes of lions6 ; there are also in this islet sea-birds? larger
than ducks, covered with feathers but without wings for flying
and their voice resembles the braying of an ass. This bay is
protected from all the winds except those from the ENE to the
SE which blow across the bay and make the sea very rough when
they blow with violence. To the west this bay has a point of land
1 I.e. Cape Agulhas, 340 49' S.
* Still known in a corrupted form as Cape Infanta (340 28' S.).
3 I.e. Cape Vacca. 4 I.e. Mossel Bay.
5 I.e. Seal Island.
6 I.e. the Cape Sea-Lion: “the old males have a well-developed mane of
long hairs all round the neck: the females. . .have no trace of the mane”
(vide W. L. Sclater, The Mammals of South Africa, vol. I, p. 120).
7 I.e. the Jackass Penguin ( vide A. Stark and W. L. Sclater, The Birds of
South Africa, vol. iv, pp. 518-19).
MOSSEL BAY
158
with some rocks on it which, when one is out at sea, seem islets,
and one of them is like a small turreted castle1. This is the first
thing you see on approaching the said bay. The length of this
point is rather more than a crossbow-shot and from this point
a reef of rock runs out into the sea, a quarter of a league in
length, and when the sea is rough it breaks on it ; it almost closes
the mouth of the bay. A mountain-range comes down to the
sea at this low-lying point of land.
Item. A small river* flows into this Angra de Sam Bras ; it
flows from the mountains to the sea, and on its banks grow reeds
and rushes, mint, wild olives and other herbs and trees like
those of this kingdom [i.e. Portugal]. Our crews can here take
in water and wood, cows, sheep and goats, which the negroes
will sell to them for brass basins, small bells and red cloth;
but one must guard against the negroes of this land, for they
are very wicked and have several times attempted to kill our
crews, and he who lands here should beware. Anyone entering
this bay may anchor within the reef in four and a half fathoms
on a clean sandy bottom a little over a quarter of a league from
the shore. Four or five leagues out to sea from this bay he will
find twenty-five and thirty fathoms, on a muddy bottom mixed
with sand ; there is plentiful fishing here.
Chapter ix
Concerning the routes and latitudes from Angra de Sam
Bras to Ilheo da Cruz and on to Rio do Infante.
The time and trouble spent by us in composing this work have
been well employed, since we were so fortunate as to have to
describe the discoveries of the late glorious prince, King John.
And although the coast discovered at his command yields no
profit, we must not blame him for this ; the blame lies with the
land, which is almost deserted and produces nothing to make the
' The rocks of Cape St Blaize ( vide Africa Pilot, Part XIX, p. 81, 9th
edition).
* Hartenbosch River (?).
PLETTENBURG BAY
159
heart of man glad. The less profit the region discovered by him
yields, the greater praise is due to him; for, had he obtained
great wealth from these regions, there would not have been
lacking censors and critics to say that he made the discoveries
in his own interest ; but since we know that his only profit was
the great expense and the opening of a way for the discovery of
India, we are confident that the enterprise of this most serene
prince was induced by love of glory and magnificence and a
desire to explore lands hitherto utterly unknown, and by no
other cause. Having said this, we will proceed with our plan.
Item. Fifteen leagues beyond Auguoada1 de Sam Bras is the
small bay called Angra d’Alaguoa*, so-called because it has a
marshy lake. All the land along the coast from Auguoada de
Sam Bras to this bay is flat, but inland there are very high
mountains*. Angra de Sam Bras and Angra d’Alaguoa lie east
and west 15 leagues along the route, as stated, and this small
bay contains an islet4 where many sea- wolves and many birds
live. All this land is thinly wooded and moderately populated,
but there is no trade.
Item. Angra d’Alaguoa and another larger bay* containing
two lakes lie ENE and WSW and occupy twelve leagues of the
route. Only small vessels can enter this Angra d’Alaguoa,
because of its many shallows; its latitude is 34$° south of the
Equator. No profit is to be obtained from this land, so that
I will not waste time in describing it further.
Item. From Angra d’Alaguoa to Angra do Rico6 is fifteen
leagues in an E by NE direction. Whoever comes this way should
beware of two dangerous shallows of rock on which the sea
breaks about half-way along the route, nearly a league from the
shore. The Angra do Rico is nearly as large as the above-
mentioned Angra de Sam Bras ; it can be recognised by the three
* I. e. “ the watering-place.”
* Plettenburg Bay. The mouth of the Pisang River, which enters the bay, is
frequently closed by a bar; behind this the waters accumulate to form a
temporary lake.
3 These are the Outeniqua Mountains ( vide Africa Pilot, Part ill, p. 92).
* I.e. Beacon Islet.
5 St Francis Bay. The lakes of which Pacheco speaks are formed by the
overflow of the waters of the bar-obstructed rivers.
6 I.e. Algoa Bay.
i6o
DISCOVERIES OF B. DIAS
islets at its entrance; the bottom in places is dirty and a ship
anchoring there should take soundings.
Item. Five leagues beyond the Angra do Rico is an islet a
little over half a league from shore, called Penedo das Fontes,
because Bertholameu Diaz, who discovered this land at the
command of the late King John, found two springs of excellent
fresh water here; but this rock is called also Ilheo da Cruz1,
because the same Bertholameu Diaz placed here a pillar of
stone2 a little taller than a man with a cross on top of it and a
triple inscription, in Latin, Arabic and Portuguese, declaring
that in the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ i486 (and in so many
years after the creation of the world), King John ordered
Bertholameu Diaz, captain of his ships, to discover this coast.
This pillar can be seen out at sea when one is near the island.
The mainland round this island consists of sand-dunes but the
adjoining land beyond these dunes is all very green and low,
with woods and some fields. Beyond this land along the coast
there is nothing but sand-dunes, some large, some small. This
Ilheo da Cruz is nearly half a league from the shore ; the coast
from Angra do Rico thither runs NE by E and SW by W and
occupies 5 leagues of the route, as we have said. The latitude of
the said Penedo das Fontes is 330 45' south of the Equator.
Item. Twenty-five leagues beyond the Ilheo da Cruz is a
small river called Rio do Infante^, so called because when it was
discovered by Bertholameu Diaz a certain Joham Infante, a
member of his crew, was the first to land. Eight or ten leagues
from the Ilheo da Cruz are two islands called Ilheos Chaos4;
they lie two and a half leagues from the shore. The landmarks of
this region are these : the sand-dune coast two leagues beyond
the Ilheo da Cruz, and a black patch on the mainland having a
large sand-dune to the north and a tongue of black coloured
land along the shore, which appear when these Ilheos Chaos are
to the NE. These islets are almost on a level with the sea, but
1 St Croix Island, but cf. Ravenstein, op. at. p. 646.
* No “padrio” has ever been recovered from this neighbourhood. It is
possible that Pacheco is confusing St Croix Island with Cape Padrone, some
little distance to the east, where Dias set up a stone pillar dedicated to
S. Gregorio.
3 I.e. Great Fish River.
4 I.e. Bird Islands.
DEATH OF JOHN II l6l
inland the country is very elevated. From here to the Rio do
Infante is fifteen leagues ; midway there are the mouths of three
small rivers1. At this Rio do Infante the navigation and dis¬
covery of the late King John ended. This river and the Ilheo
da Cruz lie NE by E and SW by W, 25 leagues apart, as already
stated. The latitude of the river is 320 40' south of the Equator.
This most serene prince died in the year of Our Lord Jesus
Christ 1495 in the town of Alvor in Algarve on the 25th day
of October. The years of his life were forty years and five
months and twenty-five days, of which he reigned only fourteen
years, one month and twenty-eight days. He is buried in the
monastery of Santa Maria da Vitoria (which is also called
“ Batalha”) with his father King Afonso V, in the Chapel of
the Chapter.
* Viz. Bushman, Kariega and Kowie Rivers.
HK
XZ
FOURTH
BOOK
The beginning of the fourth book of the
Esmeraldo De Situ Orbis, concerning the dis¬
coveries of the most serene prince, King Manuel our
lord , the first of this name to reign in Portugal. Here
follows , firstly , the Prologue.
Although the nature of the subject permits us to finish the
work we have begun and our spirit is willing, our scholarship is
so poor that we cannot attempt to fully describe the excellence
of our Emperor Manuel. For as agriculture promises sustenance
to mortal men, even so great deeds promise them an eternity of
noble fame. The singular qualities with which he was endowed
by nature are universally known; for justice tempered with
moderation was given him as a rich garment, and plentiful
wisdom to administer it in a manner worthy of praise. He was
benevolent towards his subjects, being easy of approach and
kindly, yet from his youth he was marvellously fearless withal
and he performed great deeds with manly spirit and unstinting
generosity. He was a Catholic, living a pure and honest life,
keeping strictly the holy vow of matrimony and conjugal
chastity ; therefore Our Lord blessed him with noble offspring.
He was the first King of Portugal to beseech the Holy Father,
Pope Alexander VI, to give a dispensation to the Knights
Commanders of the Order of Christ and of S. Bento in these
realms, to allow those who from that time took the habit in these
Orders to marry, which request was granted. (Before this the
professed friars were strictly forbidden to marry.) The service
rendered to God in this by this most serene prince is worthy
of continual praise, for whereas, when they were unable to
marry, they kept mistresses and there was much lust and sin,
they are now allowed to marry. Portugal must be considered
fortunate to possess so great a blessing ; for it is certain that this
our prince was given us by divine grace for the tranquillity and
1 1-2
CHARACTER OF MANUEL I
164
good governance of our country, and this favour was granted
at the hand of the supreme Creator, Who sent him from His
altars and holy places. The greatness of his excellence is such
that it ill befits our poor understanding to undertake the heavy
task of recording his praises; rather we must leave the main
part of them for the writer of his chronicle. As we have written
the three books concerning the other princes who undertook
and began, without accomplishing, this navigation and conquest
of the route to India, we will proceed to write the fourth and
fifth books from the beginning of King Manuel’s conquest and
discovery of the new lands in the strange regions of Asia and
the shores of India, which the princes of old, his predecessors,
and even earlier princes of other nations, with all their
wealth, knowledge and courage, were never able to reach. In
the second chapter below we will tell how the first fleet was
fitted out, which finally discovered the hitherto unknown
Ethiopia under Egypt and the distant kingdoms of India,
regions and lands which it is pleasanter to hear about than to
explore. The device of this prince — a sphere which we set here —
was clearly a prophecy of what we have seen in the attainment
of his Highness’ ambition. May God increase his glory.
Aqui a esphera.
Chapter i
How some ancient writers declared that the region of the
Equator and the adjacent country were uninhabitable.
Our own predecessors and those wTho lived even earlier in other
countries could never believe that a time would come when our
West would be made known to the East and to India as it now is.
The writers who spoke of those regions told so many fables
about them that it seemed utterly impossible that the seas and
lands of India could be explored by the West.
Ptolemy in his portrayal of the ancient tables of cosmography
writes that the Indian Sea is like a lake1, far removed from our
1 Geographic, book vn, chap. 5.
HABITABILITY OF TORRID ZONE 165
western Ocean which passes by southern Ethiopia; and that
between these two seas there was a strip of land1 which made
it completely impossible for any ship to enter the Indian Sea.
Others said that the voyage was so long as to be impossible and
that there were many sirens and great fishes and dangerous
animals which made navigation impossible.
Both Pomponius Mela (at the beginning of the second book
and also in the middle of the third book of his De Situ Orbis *)
and Master John Sacrobosco, an English writer skilled in the
art of astronomy (at the end of the third chapter of his treatise
on the sphere^), said that the country on the Equator was
uninhabitable owing to the great heat of the sun, and since it
was uninhabitable for this reason it could not admit of navigation.
But all this is false and we have reason to wonder that such
excellent authors as these, and also Pliny* and other writers who
averred this, should have fallen into so great an error; for they
all allow that India is the real East and that its population is
without number. Since the real East is the Equator, which
passes through Guinea and India, and since the greater part of
this region is inhabited, the falsehood of what they wrote is
clearly proved, for at the Equator itself experience has shown
us that the land is thickly populated. Since experience is the
mother of knowledge, it has taught us the absolute truth; for
our Emperor Manuel, being a man of enterprise and great
honour, sent out Vasco da Guama, Commander of the Order
of Santiaguo, one of his courtiers, as captain of his ships and
crews to discover and explore those seas and lands concerning
which the ancients had filled us with such fear and dread; after
great difficulty, he found the opposite of what most of the
ancient writers had said. Passing beyond Rio do Infante, where,
as we have said the discoveries and navigation of the most serene
King John ended, Vasco da Guama sailed with his four ships
round the unknown coast of Ethiopia under Egypt and dis¬
covered the Ethiopian town of Melinde, where he heard news
1 Part of “ Terra Australis ” of later reports, believed to extend right round
the world.
* Actually the references come in book 1, chap. 4, and book in, chap. 7.
* Traclatus de Sphaera.
4 Op. cit. book u, chap. 68.
l66 DISCOVERY OF INDIA
of the India he was in search of; thence journeying 700 leagues
across the great gulf, he discovered a part of the sought-for land
of Lower India.
Chapter ii
Concerning the four ships which our lord the
King sent to discover India.
It was not desirable that too many or too large ships should be
sent out on this voyage of discovery; accordingly our lord the
King ordered the construction of four ships, the largest not to
exceed a hundred tons, for the land being utterly unknown it
was unnecessary that they should be larger. The reason was that
they might be able to enter and leave any place on the coast
easily, which they could not do if they were larger. They were
built by excellent masters and workmen, with strong nails and
wood; each ship had three sets of sails and anchors and three
or four times as much other tackle and rigging as was usual. The
cooperage of the casks, pipes and barrels for wine, water,
vinegar and oil was strengthened with many hoops of iron. The
provisions of bread, wine, flour, meat, vegetables, medicines,
and likewise of arms and ammunition, were also in excess of
what was needed for such a voyage. The best and most skilful
pilots and mariners in Portugal were sent on this voyage, and
they received, besides other favours, salaries higher than those
of any seamen of other countries. The money spent on the few
ships of this expedition was so great that I will not go into detail
for fear of not being believed. The only return received by the
prince for this outlay was the knowledge that some part of
Ethiopia under Egypt and the beginning of Lower India had
been discovered. Thus Vasco da Guama set out on this holy
enterprise as captain-in-chief of four ships by virtue of the
sacred majesty of this most serene prince, who sent him forth
from the excellent city of Lisbon on Saturday the eighth day
of June in the year of Our Lord Jesus Christ 1497; he returned
two years one month and one day later and forthwith received
ANNUAL EXPEDITIONS TO INDIA
167
great rewards and favours, with such honour and liberality as
became the excellence of our Emperor Manuel, who sent him
out. For his Highness conferred on him the title of Dom Vasco
da Guama, which he did not previously possess, and gave him
a coat of arms to honour his nobility; this serene prince also
made him Admiral of the Indian Ocean, with jurisdiction over
it, and gave him an income of 3,000 gold crusados, besides other
favours, revenues, honours and exemptions. Thus his reward to
Dom Vasco for the great services which he had rendered was in
keeping with the magnanimity of his nature, endowed as he was
with great goodness.
Chapter iii
Concerning the fleets which our lord the King sends out
yearly to India since its discovery .
Great achievements cannot be hidden, for they are seen by all,
and their praise must be recorded so that they should not fall
into oblivion ; achievements so great as those of this most serene
prince have every reason to be made known. His Highness
orders the equipment of great fleets of twenty-five and thirty
large ships, more or less according to the times and occasions;
they are well manned and equipped, as well as, if not better
than, the first ships sent out. With these he has conquered, and
daily conquers, the Indian seas and the shores of Asia, killing,
destroying and burning the Moors of Cairo, of Arabia and of
Meca and other inhabitants of the same India, together with
their fleet, by which for over 800 years they controlled their
trade in precious stones, pearls and spices. Not only has he
done this, but he has ordered the construction of five fortresses
with their holy houses of prayer, where the blessed sacrament
of the body of Our Lord Jesus Christ is daily celebrated. As a
result many Indians, who were formerly ignorant of it, have been
converted to the holy Catholic faith and have become Christians,
and the evil sect of Mahomet is daily being destroyed and
diminished. The Moors and their fleet are so confounded that
INDIAN TRADE
168
the Venetians, who were accustomed to obtain spices and other
merchandise from them and furnish Europe and Africa and part
of Asia, are now totally deprived of this trade. But this fortunate
prince, besides the great honour and eternal fame from his many
victories in the conquest of these regions, receives yearly from
his fleet 30,000 to 40,000 quintals1 of spices and drugs, and
many pearls and precious stones and other articles of great value,
with which the whole world is furnished. Thus we may say that
Almighty God by a singular privilege chose him from all the
other princes of Christendom to spread His Catholic faith
through these regions for His service. For it is certain that the
holy, divine and ancient religion disseminated in these parts by
the apostle St Thomas3 has been entirely lost. We and our
successors in the future, and all nations, must observe this
marvellous and miraculous fact, that the 4,000 leagues of perilous
navigation between Portugal and India were conquered and
subdued and our Catholic faith spread through them at the
bidding of this most serene prince. This is certainly the doing
of Our Lord, Who gave him the strength of spirit and wisdom
for so great an enterprise; for achievements so great were never
performed by a timid, weak or avaricious person, but only by
a man of courage and magnanimity. And when one considers
achievements as great as these, the famous deeds of Alexander
the Great and of the Romans are partly obscured by this great
and holy conquest.
Chapter iv
Concerning the voyage and navigation of ships
bound for India.
In three months of the year principally should ships bound for
India be ready to sail, January, February and March; and the
best of these is February, although ships sometimes sail as late
as April and make a prosperous voyage; but they should, if
1 The Portuguese equivalent of the English hundredweight.
* Vide book 1, Prologue, p. 5 note.
SEA ROUTE TO INDIA
169
possible, avoid this month, for it is rather late and they may
encounter difficulties on such a long voyage. The fleet for India
should have all its casks, pipes, barrels and other vessels re¬
inforced with hoops of iron, eight iron hoops to each barrel,
for hoops of wood do not last long. Of provisions I do not
speak, for it is known by now what is required for a voyage which
usually lasts eighteen or twenty months. In the twenty-third
chapter of our first book we have stated that a fleet leaving the
excellent city of Lisbon, in which I, the author, Duarte Pacheco,
was born, and where the fleets for the navigation to India are
fitted out, should sail SSW 200 leagues, when they will be in
latitude 28° north, off the seven islands of the Canaries. The
fleet can pass these at a league, or much less than a league, from
Ponta d’Andia1 in the Isle of Forte Ventura and will then
steer S by E. After forty-five leagues it will make the Angra
dos Ruivos on the mainland, the landmarks of which we have de¬
scribed in the twenty-third chapter of the first book ; they are the
three hills of sand which rise above it, and its latitude, 25 0 north
of the Equator. Three leagues off this bay there is fifty fathoms
of water with a sandy bottom, and here there is plentiful fishing
for the sustenance of the crews. And from here the fleet must sail
along the coast in search of Cabo Verde as we shall say below.
Item. By standing three leagues out at sea from Angra dos
Ruivos and sailing SW by S along the coast, without touching
land for ninety leagues it will be off Cabo Branco, of which we
spoke in the last paragraph of the 23rd chapter of the first book.
The cape will then be eighteen leagues distant to the East, the
latitude at that exact point being 220 20' north; the pilot must
be careful to take the latitude accurately in order to avoid all
possibility of error.
Item. The ship which is in this position off Cabo Branco
must now sail 120 leagues S by E; it will then be off Cabo Verde,
that is, 1 40 20' north of the Equator. The cape will be recognised
by its latitude and by the painting and landmarks which we gave
in the 28th chapter of the first book. You can anchor here and
take in water and wood in the Angra de Bezeguiche, as you will
see in the said chapter and illustration.
* I.e. Jandia Point.
170
Chapter v
Concerning the ocean route to India from Cabo Verde.
For the better understanding of our work we should state that
the basis of the work was first to describe the whole of the coast
of Ethiopia of Guinea and to tell of its discovery by the princes
mentioned in this book, at whose command the navigation of
these parts was, and still is, undertaken. We have already
described the route along the coast to Rio do Infante, where the
discoveries and navigation of the late most serene King John
ended. There is, however, another shorter and more advantageous
route from Cabo Verde across the ocean to India; it must
therefore be described, so that nothing of importance shall be
left unsaid. From Rio do Infante we will describe the coast in
the direction of India which our lord the King discovered.
Item. A ship bound from Cabo Verde to India should, with
a favouring wind, sail due south 600 leagues, at the end of which
it will be 190 south of the Equator; from this point, which is
850 leagues from Cabo de Boa Esperanfa, its course should be
ESE. In this way it will double the cape forty leagues out to
sea, in a latitude of 370 south, Cabo de Boa Espcran^a then being
to the NE by N, which is the direct course to the cape. It is
only when the pilot is 370 south that he should steer NE, for if
the latitude is less he will, by so doing, turn back to the coast
of Guinea, except when he is in a latitude of 350 south, when the
cape will be to the E and he will be opposite it. When, after
reaching the latitude of 370 south, he has steered NE and come
in sight of the cape, he must then coast along the shore to the
Rio do Infante; this route is described in the eighth chapter of
the third book and in the succeeding paragraphs. If he wishes
to stand fifteen or twenty leagues out to sea, he may do so, but
he should act throughout with caution and await favourable
winds; when the wind is adverse, reason, prudence and ex¬
perience will teach him what should be done. In crossing the
ocean from Cabo Verde he should keep a sharp look-out night
and day for the great thunderstorms, which are accompanied by
SEA ROUTE TO INDIA
I7I
winds of extraordinary violence; as soon as anyone sees a flash
of lightning or a black cloud he should furl sail until the violence
of the wind is past, for if he fails to do this, the ship may be
wrecked, as others, through carelessness, have been wrecked
before it.
Chapter vi
Concerning the discoveries of our King beyond
the Rio do Infante.
Our new task is to describe the discoveries of the most serene
prince King Manuel our Sovereign beyond the Rio do Infante,
including the whole of Ethiopia under Egypt, Arabia Felix,
Persia and the manifold interests of the most wealthy kingdoms
of India, together with the victories obtained there. Thus we
will proceed with our plan on this toilsome journey, relating the
truth as we have learned it from experience.
Item. Rio do Infante lies. . . [the MS breaks off here].
APPENDICES ItoIII
I. THE SENEGAL- NIGER-NILE CONTROVERSY
It is evident from his various allusions to the Senegal that
Pacheco shared the prevailing confusion about the hydro-
graphical systems of West Africa.
The idea of a western branch of the Nile was, of course, not
new: it had been put forward in antiquity (e.g. by Pliny, who
made the branch rise in the Atlas Mountains, Natural History,
book v, chap. io). Moreover it was not altogether without
foundation, for as early as Herodotus’s time some young
Nasamonian travellers had penetrated southwards across the
Sahara to “a great river. . .running from west to east...” —
presumably the Niger (Herodotus, History , book u, chap. 32).
For the most part, however, classical opinion followed Ptolemy,
who held the Nile and Sudanese systems to be discrete.
It was not until the tenth and eleventh centuries that the idea
of a western branch of the Egyptian Nile was seriously put
forward again — this time by Arab geographers who were in
possession of the latest knowledge of the Saharan caravan routes.
Edrisi, although not discussing the subject directly, leaves the
reader in no doubt as to his own view. Thus, he says “ the Nile
in this country [i.e. W. Sudan] flows from the east to the west.”
Ships entering its mouth with salt “ascend as far as Silla,
Tacrour, Barisa and Ghana.” Following the Nile eastwards he
speaks of “ a place where the two Niles separate, that is to say,
first the Nile of Egypt which crosses the country from north
to south . . . and second the branch which flows from the east
and flows towards the western extremity of the continent”
{Description de VAfrique et de rEspagne _ Translation by R.
Dozy and M. J. de Goeje, passim). Leo Africanus, the last of the
great mediaeval Arab geographers, makes the following observa¬
tions: “our cosmographers affirm that the river of Niger is
derived out of Nilus, which they imagine for some space to be
swallowed up of the earth and yet at last to burst forth into. . .
APPENDIX I
174
a lake. . . . Some others are of opinion that this river beginneth
westward to spring out of a certain mountain and so running
east, to make at length a huge lake, which verily is not like to
be true, for they usually sail westward from Tombuto to the
Kingdom of Guinea, yea and to the land of Melli also...”
( History of Africa , book I, p. 125).
With increasing knowledge of the West African littoral, other
alternatives were proposed. John Pory, in his Introduction to
Leo’s History of Africa , written about 1600, says: ‘‘The river
of Niger, running through the land of the Negroes ... is now
esteemed by Paulus Iovius to be Gambra and by Cadamosto the
river of Senega : but that both of them are deceived, it is evident
out of the description of Sanutus, who putteth down the two
aforesaid rivers severally and thinketh Niger to be that which is
now called Rio Grande [i.e. Jeba R.]. This river taketh its
beginning, as some think, out of a certain desert to the east,
called Seu, or springeth rather out of a lake and after a long
race, falleth at length into the western ocean. . . . Senega, or
Canaga, a most notable river... for the length thereof com¬
parable to Nilus. . .springeth, according to John Barros, out of
two lakes, the greater whereof is now called the lake of Gaoga. . .
as also out of a river named by Ptolemy Ghir. . . . Gambra or
Gambea, a very great river lying between Senega and Niger. . .
fetcheth his original from the lake of Libya and from the foun¬
tains which Ptolemy assigneth to the river of Niger. . .” (pp. 19
et seq.).
The recrudescence of the idea of a dual Nile during the latter
part of the Middle Ages is, in view of the prominent part played
by the Senegal-Niger systems in trans-Saharan commerce,
readily understood. The fact that it was not until the nineteenth
century that the separateness of the Senegal and the Niger
Rivers from one another and from the Nile was discovered ceases
to be surprising when we recall :
(а) The relative decline of trans-Saharan commerce after the
opening up of the sea routes.
(б) The reluctance of the negro native to enlighten the trader,
whether Moslem or Christian, on the country beyond the
Savannah Zone — the source of his gold (vide Appendix No. III).
APPENDIX II
175
( c ) The change in the character of the country south of
the latitude of Timbuktu and its general unsuitability, both
climatically and botanically, to the desert-loving Arab and his
desert-loving camel.
( d ) The confusion of the native negroes’ terms for lake, water
and river, leading traders to conclude that all the great Sudanese
rivers were inter-linked by great lakes in which they had their
sources.
II. “THERE ARE OTHER SNAKES A QUARTER
OF A LEAGUE LONG”
In this single statement, startling in its departure from the
author’s well-deserved reputation for sobriety, Pacheco reveals
both the vitality of mediaeval mythology and the credulity of the
Renaissance mind. That men should, in the same breath, be able
to speak with almost the exactitude of a modern Pilot book
about the navigability of the Senegal River and the existence of
mile-long serpents is not very remarkable, however, when we
recall the popularity of the “Mirabilia” — wonder books — and
the “Bestiaries” throughout the Middle Ages. The reading of
these enchanted not only the common people, but men of
education, and inspired the pictorial illustration of many of our
most famous “mappae mundi,” e.g. the Hereford and Ebstorf
maps. Pliny’s Natural History , Solinus’s Collectanea and the
Treatise on Marvels , attributed to Aristotle, were among the
most read works of the time. Aristotle’s authority was so great
with the Portuguese of the fifteenth century that even the
Proctors of the People were quoting his work in the Cortes ( vide
Santarem, quoted in Zurara, op. cit. Hakluyt Society Edition,
p. 338). The seamen of our period, therefore, were steeped in
the teratological traditions of antiquity, and it is difficult to
over-emphasise the domination exercised in mediaeval and early
Renaissance thought, in geography, natural history and eth¬
nology, as well as in other departments, by the pseudo-science
of the “Mirabilia.” Zurara comes under it, even though he is
somewhat more cautious than Pacheco. In chap. 52 he tells us,
for instance, that the hornbills of the Ilha das Garzas (i.e. Heron
APPENDIX III
176
Isle near Tider Isle) have “ mouth and maw. . . so great that the
leg of a man, however large it were, would go into it as far as
the knee.” In chap. 60 he further declares that the size of the
African elephant is “ so great that the flesh of one would make
a good meal for 2,500 men.”
Where did Pacheco derive the authority for his statement?
Strabo speaks of Ethiopian serpents whose length he does not
define but which are “so large that even grass grows upon their
backs” (1 Geography , book xvii, chap. 3, para. 5). Pliny, another
of his standard authorities, speaks of serpents ‘‘that seize and
swallow birds that are flying above them, however high and how¬
ever rapid their flight ” (Natural History , book vm, chap. 14).
With such imaginative precedents as these, it was not difficult
for Pacheco to persuade himself of the existence of even larger
reptiles. It would seem, however, from his remarks about the
incredibility of these things to those that have no experience of
them that he expected some of his readers to be less credulous
than others.
III. THE SILENT BARTER
The silent barter of the Sudan which Pacheco describes at such
length is as old as it is mysterious; moreover, literature and
tradition show it to have been a widespread commercial custom
between peoples who did not know or entirely trust each other.
Herodotus described it as being a well-established practice in
his day (History, book iv, chap. 196), and we read of it in various
forms at intervals thereafter. Cosmas Indicopleustes wrote of
it in the sixth century, Edrisi in the twelfth, Cadamosto in the
fifteenth, Captain G. F. Lyon in the early nineteenth, and Mary
Kingsley at the beginning of the twentieth century. Yet one and
all are unable to claim personal acquaintance with the parties
engaging in it, and only very few of them actually encountered
first-hand evidence of it.
Where was the land of this barter? It is not without signi¬
ficance that Pacheco tells us the distance, but not the direction ;
it was from the frontiers of Mandingua. Edrisi is no more
helpful, for he only says that it was 8 days’ journey from Ghana,
APPENDIX III
177
again without giving the direction. (Moreover Ghana is a lost
city.) However, with the help of Cadamosto’s narrative {op. cit.
pp. 57~8) and a statement of R. Jobson’s {op. cit. p. 301) the
region of the Upper Volta would seem to be the rendezvous of
the silent traders. The Bobo-fing and Lobi tribes who inhabit
it and collect alluvial gold are even to-day described as being
very taciturn and retiring, and have only recently allowed
African traders into their country. It is furthermore a region
infested by the tse-tse fly and therefore unhealthy for man and
beast, and it lies in the tall grass savannah zone, that is, in the
frontier zone between Moors and Berbers on the one hand and
the negroes on the other. As these “frontier” peoples were
frequently raided by their northern neighbours and sold into
captivity, it is scarcely to be wondered at that they should prefer
to remain unseen when bartering their gold; but whether the
Sudanese slave trade gave rise to the silent barter or no, we have
no means of telling. According to one recent observer, it
originated, in all probability, from a sense of personal insecurity
and has fetish in it, the natives holding it safer to leave so
dangerous a thing as trafficking writh unknown beings — white
things that were most likely spirits, with the smell of death on
them — in the hands of their gods {vide M. Kingsley, West
African Studies, pp. 210-12).
If mystery surrounds the exact location of the gold marts, it
has succeeded in completely enveloping the participants in this
trade. How came it about that these traffickers were thought to
be dog-headed? Two possibilities suggest themselves. In the
first place the Arab designation for the pagans of this region
(the Lemlem of Arab writings) was “ Benicaleb ” — son of a dog!
Several early Renaissance maps of this region portray a cyno-
cephalic monarch south of the western Nile and east of the black
(but Moslem) king of Melli {vide Este and Borgian World maps).
The second possibility is that the men with "the faces and teeth
of dogs and tails like dogs” are not men at all but baboons 1
These animals have a remarkably dog-like face and one species
of them — West Africa boasts of several — has a tail and a black
face (i.e. the Anubis baboon). Further, these animals wander
about in companies, excavating the roots of grasses and other
HK
12
APPENDIX III
178
plants and leaving small holes behind them ( vide H. O. Forbes,
A Handbook of the Primates , vol. I, pp. 253 et seq.y and S. Zucker-
man, Social Life of Monkeys and Apes , p. 203). The fact that the
whole transaction was concluded without any direct intercourse
and at night , may well have given rise, in the minds of the greatly
intrigued Moors, to the notion that the invisible traders were
not ordinary men, but akin to the shy and elusive baboons of
which they had doubtless caught many a fugitive glimpse.1
1 A fuller discussion on the source of the gold and the locality of the silent
barter will be found in an article by E. G. R. Taylor, entitled “ Pactolus :
River of Gold,” Scottish Geographical Magazine, 1927.
APP ENDIX IV
NOTE ON THE MAP TO ILLUSTRATE THE
ESMERALDO DE SITU ORBIS OF
DUARTE PACHECO
By W. F. MORRIS, B.A.,
Lecturer in Cartography in
the Utriversity of Heading
The map represents an attempt to plot the coastal route from
Ceuta to the Cape of Good Hope and beyond, as worked out by
the Portuguese navigators during the fifteenth and very early
sixteenth centuries, and described in the text of the Esmeraldo
The map shows also the coast of Africa as now mapped, so that
comparisons may be made.
It is drawn on two sheets, partly for convenience, but also
because, while there is a remarkable measure of agreement
between Pacheco’s coastal outline and the modern map north of
the equator, south of that line the agreement is not nearly so
close. It is drawn on Mercator’s projection, for the following
reasons : (i) the most reliable element in the plotting of Pacheco’s
outline, especially north of the equator, would seem to be the
bearings; (2) with parallels and meridians drawn at every half¬
degree it is comparatively easy to plot distances with reasonable
accuracy; (3) plotting Pacheco’s and the modem outline upon an
orthomorphic projection enables appreciation and comparison
of shapes to be made. Pacheco furnishes the following material
from which to plot: compass bearings, distances in leagues,
astronomical latitudes and through bearings. He also describes
landmarks in detail.
Bearings. Pacheco uses a “card” of 32 points, on two
occasions only using half-points. His bearings, therefore, are
probably correct to within three or four degrees each way,
within the limits of the accuracy of his instruments. From
Arzila to Cape Kantim there is apparently considerable dis¬
crepancy between his outline and the modem map. From the
12-2
APPENDIX IV
180
latter point to about 6° S. they agree remarkably well. South of
6° S. Pacheco’s outline, plotted by bearings and latitudes, is a
fair reflection of the modem outline, but it deviates steadily
westwards, until in the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope there
is a difference in longitude of slightly more than four degrees.
There would appear to be two reasons for this: (i) the greater
body of knowledge and experience possessed in respect of the
journey astfar as the equator by comparison with that available
for the southern part; (2) compass variation.
Pacheco gives no indication in the text that bearings had been
rectified, nor does he mention compass variation, though he and
his contemporaries were without any doubt well aware of it.
“ For the navigation of Guinea [the Portuguese] made compasses
corrected for a deviation north and a quarter north-east”
(E. G. R. Taylor, Tudor Geography , p. 68), that is, for a magnetic
variation of n£° E. This means that while the needle pointed to
nJ°E. the card itself was correctly oriented, true north and
south. But obviously the card would remain correctly oriented
only so long as the variation was constant. As the variation
changed so the rectified card would change also. Thus Pacheco,
south of Arzila, gives a bearing South by West when the true
bearing is much nearer S.S.W. Evidently, as they sailed farther
south, the variation became for a time more easterly, so the
bearing noted would be south of the true bearing. This, and not
faulty observation, would account for the apparent incorrectness
of the coastal outline in this region. Moreover, such variations,
while affecting the plot of the route, would not affect navigation
along that route, providing the same “make” of compass were
used, and magnetic variation in a given region remained the
same.
Using this illustration it can be argued that from Arzila to
Cape Kantim the rectified compass swung at first more to the
east and then recovered itself, and that, from Cape Kantim,
as far as 6° S., it remained approximately true to itself. There
is evidence to support this argument. But from 6° S. to the
Cape of Good Hope the plot by bearings and latitudes suggests
a marked decrease of variation eastward, and this is contraryto
the testimony of sixteenth-century voyagers. “In the island
APPENDIX IV
181
called Insula Corvi [i.e. Azores] it [the compass] declineth
easterly 15 degrees” (Cunningham’s Cosmographical Glasse ,
quoted by Professor Taylor, Tudor Geography , p. 27). Captain
John Lok, writing in 1554, on his voyage to Guinea, says,
“Note that in 45 degrees the compass is varied 8 degrees to the
west. Item, in 40 degrees the compass did vary 15 degrees
(? E. or W.) in the whole. Item, in 30 degrees and a halfe the
compass is varied 5 degrees to the weste” (Hakluyt’s Voyages ,
vol. iv). And one Thomas Stevens, writing from Goa in 1579,
describing his voyage thither, says, “ The variation of the needle
or compass, which in the region of the island of St Michael is
just north, and thence swarveth toward the east so much that
betwixte the meridian aforesaid and the point of Afrike it
carricth three or four quarters of 32, and againe in the point of
Afrike a little beyond the point that is called Cape das Agulias it
retumeth againe unto the north, and that place passed, it
swarveth again towards the west, as it did before proportionally”
(Hakluyt’s Voyages , vol. iv). It is unlikely that in eighty years
compass variation in these latitudes would have changed from
“ three or four quarters ” eastward to almost as much westward,
especially in view of the fact that north of the equator the
variation remained still east. There is, therefore, a discrepancy
between Pacheco’s and the true bearings, in these latitudes,
which is not easily explained.
The plot by direction and latitudes, south of about 170 S.,
has been adjusted for a general average decrease of magnetic
variation eastward of 6°, bringing the Cape of Good Hope
approximately to its correct longitude. So adjusted the plot
gives a fair reflection of the modem outline.
Distances . Pacheco expresses distances in leagues, 18 leagues
to a degree of latitude. This was not the generally accepted
Portuguese figure, which was 17J, but Pacheco’s was the more
accurate.
As with bearings, so with distances. As far as Cape Three
Points there is very fair agreement. Between Cape Verde and
Cape Palmas, Pacheco’s and the modern outline arc almost
identical. From Cape Three Points eastwards along the Guinea
Coast as far as Fernando Po there is increasing discrepancy, and
APPENDIX IV
182
south of the equator distances seem to have gone wrong alto¬
gether. It must have been difficult to estimate distances in those
days. In respect of the coast as far south as Sierra Leone, sailors
had gathered much information about winds, currents and tides;
they had had many years in which to check their results and to
compare notes about it; the behaviour of vessels, more or less
fresh from their home ports, was more reliable. In equatorial
regions alternate storms and calms must have made accurate
reckoning extremely difficult. Thomas Stevens, quoted above,
writes about this part of his journey as follows: “We arrived at
length under the coast of Guinie . . . which is from the sixt
degree of the equinoctial . . . sometimes the ship standeth there
almost by the space of many dayes, sometimes she goeth, but in
such order that it were almost as good to stand still. And the
greatest part of this coast not cleare, but thickc and cloudy, full
of thunder and lightening.” Moreover, they were sailing
generally east and west, and since very few indeed amongst
them could find longitude at all, and none of them accurately,
they had no check upon the amount of easting made. So
Stevens again: “You know that it is hard to saile from east to
west. . .because there is no fixed point in all the skie whereby
they may direct their course. Wherefore, partly by their own
experience and pondering withal what space the ship was able
to make with such a wind and such direction, and partly by the
experience of others, whose books and navigations they have,
they gesse whereabouts they be touching the degrees of longi¬
tude, for of latitude they be alwayes sure.” And this was in 1579.
South of the equator Pacheco’s distances are very badly out.
It can only be assumed that he had very much less information
about this part of the journey and so had no check upon his
figures. In any case he was evidently of the opinion that distances
were not to be trusted too far, for he gives detailed descriptions
of landmarks, and numerous sketches to reinforce the descrip¬
tions, so that recognition of the places named may be easy. He
says also, more than once, that the surest guide to the position of
any place is its latitude and the trend of the coast in its neigh¬
bourhood.
The effect of this inaccuracy with regard to distances south of
appendix nr
183
the equator is obvious in the unadjusted plot of bearings and
distances. This places the Cape of Good Hope in latitude
26 S., eight degrees north of its true position, 144 leagues by
Pacheco’s reckoning. For this reason the plot by bearings and
latitudes has been added, and this gives a very much better
result.
Latitudes. Pacheco indicates two methods of finding latitudes:
(1) from the altitude of the pole star, and (2) from the height of
the sun at noon, taking into account its declination north or
south. The instruments at his disposal were the astrolabe and the
quadrant.
John II of Portugal had formed a junta of astronomers and
mathematicians to investigate problems concerned with the
science of navigation. They had addressed themselves particu¬
larly to the simplification of nautical instruments, and the
determination of latitude south of the equator. They solved the
latter problem by applying the method of finding the height of
the sun at midday. For this method they prepared tables of
declination for the use of sailors. They probably got these tables
from the Almanack perpetuum , written in Hebrew, between 1473
and 1478 by Abraham Zacuto, and translated by Master Joseph,
who also may have produced from it the practical manual
Regimento do Astrolabio e do Ouadrante. This last was printed
before the end of the fifteenth century and was still in use in
1 537 (Prestage, Portuguese Pioneers , p. 318). By the proper use
of these instruments and tables sailors would find their ap¬
proximate position as regards the equator.
Yet, in 1500, astronomical observations were the exception
rather than the rule, and many of those who made observations
were doubtful about their results. Master John, pilot to Cabral
in his expedition to Brazil in 1500, writes: “It seems to me
almost impossible to take the height of any star at sea for I
labour much at it and however little the ship rolls there are
mistakes of four or five degrees so that it can only be done on
shore. At sea it is better to be guided by the height of the sun
than by the stars and it is better to use the astrolabe than the
quadrant or any other instrument.”
To take an accurate observation, in low latitudes, from the
APPENDIX IV
184
deck of a small sailing ship, with a comparatively high centre of
gravity and therefore prone to pitch and roll, using a hand
instrument with no telescopic sights and graduated to degrees
only, and sighting on a sun almost vertically overhead, must
have been extremely difficult, and to get the latitude correct to
within a degree must have been a considerable achievement.
Pacheco’s latitudes are therefore, under the circumstances,
extraordinarily accurate. He fails, inexplicably, to check his
distances by his latitudes and vice versa; he gives what are
obviously wrong figures for Arzila, 3505o\ and for Rio do
Larache, five leagues farther south, 36° 10', both south of
Tangier, which he places in latitude 350 15'; there are in¬
consistencies in the latitudes given for places along the Guinea
coast and one serious discrepancy south of the equator. Apart
from these blemishes, however, his figures are very accurate
indeed, averaging little more than 40 minutes out, with many of
the most important points, such as Cape Verde and the Cape of
Good Hope, much nearer than that.
The map, therefore, illustrates the great skill of the Portuguese
as navigators and the excellent results obtained. It is a pity
that these results were not given earlier to the world, so that
progress in Cartography might have equalled progress in naviga¬
tion and the construction of instruments.
INDEX
Abila, see Serra da Ximeira
Abrantes, Marqueses of, xxx
Acemsam, island, 24
Acre, see Ancron
Afecr, 15
Afonso IV, King of Portugal, 44
Afonso V, King of Portugal, passim-,
character and achievements of,
103-105
Afonso XI, King of Castille, 44
Africa, passim ; boundaries and cir¬
cumference of, 1 54-56 n; divisions
of, 18-20; products of, 36
Agadir Bay, see Narbaa
Agenor of Libya, 15
Agueda, 22
Aguiloo, Cape, 59, 60
Agulhas, Cape, 24
Alaguoa, bay, 159
Alaguoa, river, 115, 116
Alaquequas, blood stone, 81, 88
Albuquerque (in province of Bada-
ioz), 22
Albuquerque, Afonso d’, xiii, xiv,
Alcaccrc Ciguer, xvi, xvii, 37, 38, 39,
Alcali, 2?
Alcansatma, 21
Alcantara, 23
Aldeas. bay, 24, 147
Ale, port, 85, 86
Alentcjo, 73, 117
Alexander the Great, 168
Alexander VI, Pope, 163
Alfonso, see Afonso
Alfragano, 100, 107
Algarve, 161
Algeciras, see Aljazira
Alhamiz, 51
Alixandria (Alexandria), 22
Aljazira, 22
Almadias, bay, 72
Almancora, 43, 44
Almaria, 22
Almedina, 51
Almeria, see Almaria
Almina, Point, 36, 37, 38, 61
Alquices, Moorish cloak, 60
Alvor, 161
Anburi (Anbur near Barcelona?), 21
Ancoras, river, 91
Ancron (Acre?), 21
Anda, islands, 118
An dam, port, 86
Andeses, Negro tribe, 120
Andia, Point, 68, 169
Anifee, 44, 45, 50
Anjadiva, island, 23
Anjidiv, island; see Anjadiva, island
Anterrote, 76
Ante us, 38
Antilles, xxiii
Antipatcr, 141
Antipodes, xxiv, 10
Antrefulcos, Cape, 19, 46
Antrelunho , 31
Anzica (country), 144
Arabia, 6, 57, 167
Arabia Felix, 17 1
Arabian Gulf, 2, 6, 36, 79, 140, 154,
156
Arabs, 69, 7®, 72, 74
Area, Cape, 76
Areaccs, 149
Argentina (Strasburg), 22
Arguim, island, 70, 72; hinterland
of* 73“76
Arguim, shallows, 72, 77
Aries (Zodiac), 27
Arraval de, 42
Arzila, 22, 40, 49, 140; capture of
by the Portuguese, xvi, xvii, 39, 104
Ascension, island, see Acemsam,
island
Asia, passim; western boundary of,
*5 . „
Assyria, 6
Aten^a (Atienza in New Castille), 22
Atis, Negro tribe, 120
Atlantic Sea, 19, 155
Atlantica, 19
Adas Mts., 54, 58, *9, 173
Atlas Mount, 19, 58, 59
Audem, 60, 75
Augusta Vindelicor[um] (Augs-
berg), 22
A villa, 22
Axem, 1 17, 1 18
Azambuja, Dieguo [Diogo] d’, xiii,
xvii, 52, 1 19
Azamor, 45, 46, 47, 56
Azcncgues, 69, 72, 74. 75. 79
Azevedo, Fernam Lopez de, 64
i86
INDEX
Acevedo, Pedro de, xxxi
Azores, 64, 101
Babylonia, 6, 21
Bafoor Mts., 76
Bahaa, 89
Baixas, Cape, 109
Baixas, country of, 151
Balamban, ebony, 82
Baldaya, Afonso Gonsalves, 68,
69, 7*
Balea, bay, 24, 151
Banbarranaa, 89
Banhauus, Negro tribe, 94
Barbaciis, river, 86, 87
Barbas, Cape, 23, 70, 71
Barbate, river, 32
Barcelona, 22
Barisa, 173
Barreiras, river, 137, 138
Barr ocas, Point, 40
Barr os, Jo2o de, 62 n
Basto, Raphael de Azevedo, xxxi,
xxxii
Beafares, 92, 93
Beetuu, 89
Behaim, Martin, xxix
Beifudos, the “thick-lipped” people,
116
Belez da Guomeira, 46
Benavente, 22
Beni caleb, 177
Bensaude, Joaquim, xi
Beny, iax, 125-27, 145
Berbers, 177
Berbery Coast, 22, 66, 132
Berlengas, islands, 52
Bestiaries, 175
Bety, 43
Bezeguiche, bay, 23, 83, 169
Bintonba, river, 96
Bizcaya, 32
Boa Esperanfa, Cape, passim; dis¬
covery of. 153-54; mountains of
(identified with Montes Lunae),
jot, 16, 154; regarded as southern
limit of Guinea, 79
Boa Vista, island, 24, 84
Boboflng, Negro tribe, 177
Bogia, see Boje
Bojador, Cape, 2, 3, 23, 69; dis¬
covery of, 65-67
Boje, Kingdom of, 81, 1:7
Bona, 1 17
Boroes, Negro tribe, 120
Bota, Negro tribe, 134
Boulooes, 97, 08, 106
Braba, island, 84
Branco, Cape, 23, 71. 72. 77. 169
Bravas, islands, 105
Brazil, land of, xiii, xxii, xxiii, 136
Brazil, dye wood, 13
Brcmus, Negro tribe, 120
Brujas (Bruges), 22
Buam, islands, 91
Buarcos, 23
Buda[pest] in Hungary, 22
Buguubaa, river, 93
Bulanham, 51
Burguos, 22
Caabite, river, 95
Caaboo, Negro tribe, 134
Caao, Dieguo, xxix, 142, Itf, 147
Cabral, xin, xxii, xxiii, xxviii
Cabras, islands, 145, 146
Caya^a, 46
Ciceres, 22
Cacres, Negro tribe, 120
Cadafalso (Cadalso), 22
Cadamosto, 174, 176, 177
Cadiz, see Calez
Caesar Augustus, 8
Cafy, 19. SO. St, 58
Cairo, 18, 167
Cali, 42, 43
Calccut, see Calicut
Calez, 1, 2, 23, 36, 140
Calicut, xiii, xxiii, 23, 92
Calpe, see Gibraltar
Camardes, river, 134
Camboas, Point, 145, 146
Camelo, Cape, 43
Caminha, 23
Sora, 22
gua, the Palms of, 76
gua, river, passim ; arm of
River Nile, 17, 80; source and
character of, 78-83; Senegal-
Niger-Nile controversy, 173-75
Cananor (India), 23
Canary, islands, 68, 169
Cana veal, Point, 49, 50
Cancer, Tropic of, 28, 30, 85
Cancer (Zodiac), 27
Canopus, 18
Candm, Cape, 23, 49, 53
Cantor, 87
Cao, Diogo, see CaSo, Dieguo
Cape Sines, see Ho de Sines
Capes, Negro tribe, 94
Capricorn, Tropic of, 28, 30, 149
Capricorn (Zodiac), 27
Captor, 22
Caribbean Sea, xxii
Cartagena, 23
INDEX 187
Carthage, 140
Carvoeiro, Cape, 71
Casa do Cavaleiro, 48, 49
Casamansa, river, 90
Case, river, 95, 96
Castello Real, 52, 53
Castillc, 44, 47
Castro, Joao dc, xxvi
Catay (Cathay), x8
Caterina, Cape, 3, 127, 138, 141
Cavallos, bay, 23, 68
Cebu, 42
Cclius, 141
Cepta, xvi, x8, 22, 32, 36, 37, 38, 39,
46, 47, 56, 58. 61, 155
Cestos, river, 23, 109, xio, 112
Ceuta, see Cepta
Cezilia (Sicily), 21, too
Chalam, forest of, 77
Chaldea, 6
Chios, islands, 160
Chaul, see Xaul
China, see Chis
Chios, see Xio
Chis, 18
Cithas, 6, 15, 18
Clear Mts., see Atlas Mts.
Cobales, 108
Cochim, see Cochin
Cochin, xiii, 23
Coelho, Gon5aIo, xxii
Coeyta, si
gofala, 4, 24, 79
ollonha Agripina (Cologne), 22
Colonia, 23 ; see also Collonha
Agripina
Columbus, Christopher, xxxii
Comceip9am, bay, 24, 150, 151
Conguo, Kingdom of, 143
Constancia, 22
Constantinople [a], 15, 22
Cooro, market of, 81
Cor90, Cape, 122, 123
Cordova, 22
Cori Mori, islands, 24
Corisco, island, 135
Correntes, Cape, 24
Corte Real, Gas par, xxii, xxiii,
xxiv
Cortcsao, Jaime, xvii, xxviii
Corvoeiro, Cape, 7 x
Cosmas, Indicopleustes, 176
Costa, Fontoura da, xii
Coulam, 23
Covilan, 22
Coya, 98, 108
Crass us, Marcus, 5
Cristal, river, 95
Cruz, island, 4, 6, 24, 156; discovery
of, 160, x6x
Cuencua, 22
Cunha, Rodrigo da. Bishop of
Oporto, mi
Dacia, see Norway, 18
Damasco, 21
Damiata, 21, 155
Daroca, 23
David, King, xx
Delgado, Cape, 24
Demosthenes, 7
De Situ Orbis, see Mela
Dias, Epiphanio da Silva, xvii
Diaz, Bertholameu, 151, X53, 160
Diaz, Denis, 78
Dobancoo, 88
Dogface people, 89
Don, river, see Tanais, river
Duquella, 47
Ecija, 22
Edrisi, 173, 176
Egipto, see Egypt
Eguorebo, Negro tribe, 114
Egypt, in, 16, 17, ax, 73
Egypt, sea of, 80, 155
Elam, 6
Emcuqua-anzico, Lord of Anzica,
144
Emsery, lake, 74
Emzaze (Congo), river, 143
Encalhor (£anagu£), river, 78
Enciso, xix
Enqee, 96
Escobar, Pedro d\ 118, 13371
Escravos, coast of, xi2, 113
Escravos, river, 3, 23, 128, 155
Esdras, prophet, 13
Esmeralda deSitu Orbis, 8 ; date of, xvi,
xvii; meaning of name, xvii-xviii;
MSS. and editions of, xxx-xxxii
Espartel, Cape, 23, 38, 39, 49
Estevez, Alvaro, 1x8
Estevez, Martin, 118
Estora, 117
Ethiopia, passim'. Lower Ethiopia,
19, 67, 68, 78; Upper Ethiopia,
68, 79; discovery of, 61 et seq.,
148, 150; Ethiopia under Egypt,
4, 150, 15a, 156, 164, 166, 171;
Ethiopias of Guinea, 2, 18, 36, 105,
120, 132, 136, 137, IS5. *791
Ethiopias of Trogouditas, 155
Ethiopians, 73, 80, 100, 107; con¬
version of, 63, 141 ; explanation of
colour of, 9
1 88
INDEX
Eudoxus, 2, 6, 36, 140
Eugene IV, 2, 63, 64
Europe, xxv, 6, 12, 13, 19. 35. *55;
boundaries of, 15, 18; excellence
of, 20
Evora, xxxi
Evora, Soeyro Mendez d\ 72
Exale, 42
Exnouvia, 42
Ezarziguy, 75
Faleiro, Francisco, xxvi
Faleiro, Ruy, xxvi
Falulo, 01
Famenda, 94
Fante, the Greater, 122
Fante, the Less, 122
Fayal, island, 23
Fedala, 43, 44
Feez, 22, 42, 81 ; Kingdom of, 46 et
seq. ; produce and trade of, 56, 57
Feleuu, 81
Fermosa, bay, 24
Fermoso,Cape. 23, nx, 130, 131,133
Fermoso, river, 23, 12s, 127, 128
Fernahu, island, 24
Femam do Poo, 133
Femam do Poo, island, 23, 133, 134
Fernandez, Ruy, 58
Fernando, King of Portugal, 44
Ferrarias Mts., 51
Finis Terra, Cape, xiv, 12, 23
Flanders, 66, 112
Flemings, xxviii, 112, 113
Foguo, island, 84
Forcados, river, 128, 129, 130
Fomilho, 41
Forte Ventura, island, 23, 68, 169
Freytas, Lanfarote de, 78
Frio, Cape, 24
Furna d'Acicor, 45, 46
Gaditanian, coast, 15, 18
Gaditanian Straits, 35
Galinhas, river, 107
Galiza (Galicia in Spain), 32
Gama, Vasco da, xvi, 165, x66, 167
Gambia, river; tee Guambea, river
Ganboas, river, 105
Ganges, 18
Gaoga, lake, 174
Garzas, island, 175
Geeguu, city of, 124
Genesis, 11
Genoese, castle of the, 40
Genova, 22
Germany, xxix
Ghana, 173, 176, 177
Ghir, river, 174
Gibandor, country' of, 87
Gibraltar, xv, 2, 35. 36, 144
Gilliannes, 66, 67, 68, 69
Gold, the silent barter in, 99, 176-78 ;
trade in, 75, 81, 88 et seq., 98, 118,
120-21, 122
Gon^alo de Sintra, bay, 70, 71
Gontjalvez, Antcm, 75
Good Hope, Cape of, see Boa
Esperanca, Cape
Graada (Granada), 22, 66
Grana Paradisy, maleguette pepper,
108
Grande, river, 23, 79. *74; descrip¬
tion of, 91 et seq Negroes of, 92,
93. 94. 96
Guabam, river, 24, 135, 136
Guabuu (Guambea), river, 88
Guadalajara, 23
Gualcc, rock, 71
Guama, Vasco da, see Gama, Vasco
da
Guambea, river, 23, 80, 90, 174;
hinterland of, 87-89
Guardafune, Cape, 6, 73, 79
Guer, Cape, 23, 53, 55. 60
Guinea, xiii, xix, 3, 70, 7*. 77, 79,
133, 141, 165, 170, 174; discovery
of, 101 ; gold from, 50, 55, 59, 75 5
inhabitants of, 136, 144, 154;
Portuguese trade with, xxviii, 74
Guinea Ocean (Southern Atlantic),
136, X55
Guoguliis, 92, 93, 94
Guorguonas (Azores), 10 1
Hacanys, Negro tribe, 120
Haguost, 60
Hahytemosy, 60
Ha lagunas, 41
Ham, son of Noah, 14
Hanno, 2, 6, 3611, 140
Haranha, 79
Harcfees, river, 24
Harouchc, 105
Hazamor, 22
Hazara, see Sahara
Hellespont, 15
Henry, Prince, xii, 3, 6, 60, 63, 68-72,
75, 78, 85, 98, 105, 146, 150;
achievements of, too, 101; at
Ceuta, xvi, 6x; character of, 61,
62; discovery of Madeira by, 2;
revelation of God to, 62
Hercules, 35, 38
Herodotus, xx, X73, 176
Hesperides, promontory of, 83, 84
INDEX
189
Hita, see Hvta
Ho de Sines, 23
Hoexantc, 23
Homer, m, 2, 7, 12
Hooguanec, King, 126
Hudson, strait, xxii
Huela, Negro tribe, 129
Huguatoo, town, 125
Hyperborean Mts., 18
Hyta, 22
Ibn-al-Wardi, xvii
Idolos, islands, 23, 94, 95, 97
Iherosalem, see Jerusalem
Ilheos, islands, no, in
India, xxviii, 1, 3, 6, 36, 60, 68, 79,
141, 150; discovery of, 4, 101, 148,
1 154, 156, 164 el seq.; Pacheco in,
xiii, xiv, xvi; pepper of, 126, 127;
Lower India, 5, 166
India House, xxix
Indian Sea (Ocean), 164, 165, 167
Indo (Indus), river, 79
Infante, river, xix, 24, 160-61, 165,
170
Infante, Point, 157
Infante, Joham, 160
Iovius, Pa ulus, 174
Italy, 51, 144
, aalomansa, 94
. aalunguas, Negro tribe, 94
. acob, Bishop of Valencia, n
, acome, Master, xii, 100
, aem, 23
, alancoo, 88
' alofo, Kingdom of, 78-80, 88, 101 ;
Negroes of, 72, 97, 154
amnamsura, 88
, any, 80
apheth, son of Noah, 14
cbcl Hadid, see Ferrarias
, cru salem, 5, 21
, oham Lopez de Sequeira, 55
J ohn I, King of Portugal, xvi, 39, 61,
63. 64
John n, King of Portugal, passim ;
character of, 139, 140; death of,
1 61 ; discoveries of, 144 ct setf.
ohn V, King of Portugal, xxxi
os, Negro tribe, 129, 130, 132
unco, river, 109
Kingsley, Mary, 176, 177 „ .
Kuna Muna, islands ; see Con
Mori, islands
Lagea, 113
Lagos, in Portugal, 118
Laguo, 23, 123, 124
Lama, 79
Lanbens, mantle, 117, 120
Lancaster, Duke of, 61
Larache, 40, 41
Latirus, King, 2
Ledo, Cape, 97, 99, 105, 106
Legion (Leon), 22
Lemlem, 177
Leo African us, xxi, 173, 174
Leo (Zodiac), 84
Libra (Zodiac), 27
Libya, 19, 155
Licosaguou, King, 126
Lisboa, see Lisbon
Lisbon, xiii, xiv, xxiii,xxx,xxxi,xxxii,
3, 22, 44, 60, 67, 68, 79. 1 18, 156,
166, 169
Liza, 39
Lizards (Crocodiles), 82, 89
Lobi, Negro tribe, 177
Logronho, 22
Lopo Gonpalvez, Cape, 24, 134,
135, *36, 137
Lorca, 22
Ludca, Arab tribe, 75
Lunae, see Mountains of the Moon
Lusitania, province of, 67
Lyon, Captain G. F., 176
Maabaar, 5
Macareo, tidal bore, 91-92
Machado, Barbosa, xxx, xxxi
Madeira, 2, 23, 64, 100
Madrid, 23
Maguadaxo, 23, 79
Mahomet, 57, 74, 75, 80, 90, 92, 167
Majorca, 100
Malagueta, 3, 23, 106, 114
Malipor, 5
Mamora, river, 41, 42
Mandingua(s), 73, 79, 80, 88, 89,
90, 92. 93. 97. 120, 154, 176
Mangua das Areas, 24, 147
Maniconguo, 4, 63, 143. 144. *45
Manuel 1, Emperor, passim; cha¬
racter of, 163, 164; discoveries
under, 150, 156, 165 et seq.
Maquinez, 47
Marrocos, 50, 51
Martellus, Germanus, xxix
Martin V, Pope, 2
Marzy, village of, 75
Mastos, Cape, 23, 85
Mauretania, 19, 36
Maurs, see Moors
Mayo, island, 84
INDEX
I90
Mayo, river, 1 16
Mazaguam, 47, 48
Meca, in Africa, s6, 58, 59
Meca, in Arabia, ax, 167
Meca, river, $6
Medea, 6
Medelim, 22
Medina del Campo, 22
Mediterranean Sea, xxi, 15, 18, 19,
Mela, Pomponius, xvii, xx, 2, 14,
38, 68, 165
Melilla, 19, 46
Melinde, 23, 79, 165
Melli, 174, *77 # .
Meluya, river, 46, 56
Menclaus, x, 6, 18, 36, 140
Mcqua, straits of, 73, 79
Merida, 22
Meroe, island, xxi, 16
Mesurado, Cape, 108
Mexico, Gulf of, xxii
Mina, Casa da Lisbon, 74
Mina, see S. Jorze da Mina
Mirabilia, 175
Moguador, island, 52, 53
Mohammedans, see Moslems
Mombasa, 24, 79
Mondeguo, river, 145
Monos, river, 108
Monsombique, 24, 79
Monte, Cape, 23, 106, 107, xo8
Montes Lunac, see Mountains of
the Moon
Moors, passim; of Berbery, 132;
capture of Arzila from, 104, 140;
capture of Ceuta from, xvi, 39, 61 ;
conquest of Spain by, 40, 41;
trade with Guinea, 55, 59, 74. *77,
178
Morros da Pcdra, 24
Moslems, 92, 94, 97
Mountains of the Moon, xx, x6,
*54.
Murcia, 22
Nam, Cape, 2, 3, 23, 60, 63, 64, 65
Nanuus, river, 93
Napoles (Naples), 22
Narbaa, watering place, 54, 55, 56
Narbona, 22, 23
Natural History (Pliny), 2, xx, 16, 20,
38. 39. 59. 04. *40; tee also Pliny,
Caius
Negro, river (Canagui, river), 80
Negro, Cape, 24, 148
Negro, Monte, 147
Negroes, 63, 174
Nepos, Cornelius, 141
Neto, Pedro Gonyalves, 1x3
Niebla, 22
Niger, river, x 73-75; see also
Canagui
Nile, river, passim; birth and course
of, xxi, 16, 80, 154; delta of,
17 et seq.; description of, 155 ; Nile
as eastern boundary of Africa,
xx, 15; Senegal-Niger-Nile con¬
troversy, 173-75; tee also Qanagui
Noah, 24
Non, Cape ; see Nam, Cape
Noronha, Fernao de, xxii
North America, xxii, xxiii, xxxii
Norvegia, see Norway
Norway, 18, 22
Nunes, Pedro, xxvi
Nuno, river, 93
Ophir, 4
Oporto, 23
O Porto d’el Rey, 37
Opuu, country of, X27
Order of Christ, 61, 64, 75, 100, 163
Order of Santiaguo, 165
Order of S. Bento, 52, 163
Ortiz, Diogo, Bishop of Vizeu, xiv
Osorio, Jeronimo, xv
Ouram (Oram), 117
Ouro, river, 23, 68, 69, 70
Pacheco, Duarte, birth of, xiii, 67,
169 ; public life of, xiii et seq. ; date
of his Esmeraldo, xvi, xvii ; his debt
to tradition, xix-xxiii ; his nautical
rulings, xxiv-xxviii ; death of, xvi
Pacheco, Joao, xiii
Pacheco, Joao Fernando, xvi
Padram, Cape, 24, 150
Padram, river, xxv, 24, X42, 143,
*45
Palencia, 23
Palestine, 6
Palma, island ; near Cestos, river, no
Palma, island, 83
Palma, castle, 54
Palmas, Cape, 23, 113, 114, X15, 117
Palmas, river, 106, 107
Palude Meotis, 15
Pam de NSo (Akem Peak), 123
Panplona, 22
Papagia (Brazil), xxiii
Paralipomenon, 5
Paris, 22
Parthia, 6
Pasqualigo, Pietro, xxiii
Patte, 79
INDEX
Pedras, Point, 148
Pedras, coast of, 1 50
Pena do Cervo, 44
Penedo das Fontes, 4, 159, 160
Pepper, 108 et seq., 126, 127
Pequeno, river, 131
Pereira, Gabriel, xxxi
PerepinhS (Perpignan), 22
Persia, 6, 79. 156, 171
Persian Gulf, 6, 156
Pescadores, river, 93
Philip, Queen, 61
Phoenicia, 6
Pichel, river, 93
Pico, island, 23
Pina, Ruy de, xxviii
Pires, Angra de Ruy, 148, 149
Pires, G., xiii
Pisa, 22
Pius II, Pope, 103, 104
Pixotas, fish, 54
Plaso, Cape ( Prasum Promontorium
of Ptolemy), 154
Pliny, Caius, xx, xxi, 2, ir, 16, 20,
38, 39. 59. 68, 84, 140, 165, 175,
176
Pole Star, 38
Porto Real, 24
Porto Seguro, 24
Portugal, xi, xxvi, xxviii, xxix,
xxx, 12, 39. 60, 84, 88, 101, 120,
131, 124, 141, IS5, 163, 166, 168
Portugal, Aldea de, 114
Pory, John, 174
Pray a, Cape, 115
Praya, Point, 153
Preta, Point, 146-47
Primeiras, islands, 24
Primeiro, river, 124, 125
Principe, island; see S. Antonio,
island
Psalter, n
Ptolemy, xx, xxi, 16, 17, 59, 15s,
164, 174
Quiloa, 24, 79
Quynamo, 107
Ramos, river, 129, 130
Raxete, see Canopus
Real, river, 13 1, 132
Red Sea, 73, 79
Redes, Cape, 122, 123
Regimento, xi, xxv
Reinel, Rodrigo, 75
Requena, 23
Resguate do Genois, ill
Rico, bay, 159, 160
I9I
Riphaean Mts., 15
Rivara, Sr., xxxi
Rodes (Rhodes), 21
Rodizio, the device of King Afonso V,
i°S
Rodrigo, King of Spain, 58
Rodrigues, J., xiii
Roma, see Rome
Romans, 168
Rome, 5, ax, 57
Roteiro, xii
Roxo, Cape, 90, 91
Ruivos, bay, 23, 67, 68, 169
Sabuu, 122
Sacrobosco, John, 165
Sagres, bay, 61
Sagres, Cape, 94, 95
Sagres, School of, xii
Sahara, 69, 74, 173-75
S. Agostinho, Cape, 24
S. Amaro, island, 24
S. Amaro, bay, 149
S. Andr6, river, 115
S. Angelo, Cape, 23
S. Anna, Cape, 23, 106
S. Anna, bay, 105, 106
S. Antonio, island (Principe island),
3, 24, 84, 137
St Augustine, 50
S. Barbara, island, 24
S. Barbara, river, 13 1
S. Bento, river, 13 1
S. Brandam, Point, 156, 157
S. Bras, bay 24, 157, IS8, 159
S. Christova, island, 24
S. Crara, island, 24
S. Cremente, river, 113
S. Cruz, £5
S. Domingos, river; near Cape
Roxo, 91
S. Domingos, river; near S. Jorze
da Mina, 132
S. Elena, bay, 24, 153
S. Francisco, river, 24
S. Ilefonso, river, 13 1
S. Joham, river; near Arguim, 76
S. Joham, river; near S. Jorze da
Mina, 118
S. Jorze da Mina, passim ; establish¬
ment of factory, 1 19-20 ; commerce
at, 120-21
S. Louren^o, island, 24
S. Louren^o, Point, 146
S. Luzia, island, 24
S. Luzia, Point, 24
S. Luzia, river, 24
S. Maria, forest of, 108
INDEX
I92
S. Maria, shallows of, 87
S. Maria, bay ; near Cape Branco, 71
S. Maria, bay ; near Pont* Preta, 146
S. Maria da Vitoria da Batalha,
monasters’, 64, iox, 161
S. Maria d’Arabida, 24
S. Martha, Point, 24
S. Miguel, island, 23
S. Miguel, watering place, 24
S. Nicolao, island, 24, 84
S. Paulo Mts., 109
S. Paulo, Cape, 123
S. Paulo, river, 108, 109
S. Pedro, river, 115
S. Roque, 24
S. Roque, Cape, xvii
S. Sebastiam, Cape, 24
S. Thiago de Cabo Verde, island, 23
S. Thom6, bay, 24
S. Thom6, island, 3, 24, 136, 137
S. Thomas, Apostle, 5, 168
S. Vincente, Cape, 23, 53, 59. 61
S. Vincente, island, 24, 84
S. Vincente, river, m, 112, 113
Sal, island, 24
Salado, battle of, 44, 50
Salamanca, 22
Salt , 74, 176-78
Samoa, town, 118, 119
Samuri, xiv
Santarem, 22
Santarem, Jo ham de, 118
Santiago, island, 64, 84, 8s
Santiaguo, Santiago de Compos¬
tela, 22
Sanutus (Sanuto), 174
Saraguoca, 23
Sardcnha (Sardinia), 21
Satyrs, 98
Savecs, river, 51, S2
Scilly Islands, see Sorlingua
Scythia, see Cithas
Seem, Cape, 53
Scguovca, 22
Sena, 22
Senegal, river ; see £anagui , river
SerxmL 37
Scrra Bota, 135
Serra de Brapam, 95
Serra de Fernam do Poo, 133, 134
Serra Guerreira, 24, 134, 135
Serra Lyoa, 2, 3, 21, 93. 105, 106,
108 ; discovery and description of,
96 et seq.
Serra da Pena, 152
Serra dc S. Apolonia, 116, 1 17, 118
Serra da Ximeira, 35, 36
Seu, desert of, 174
Sevilha, 22, 50
Shem, son of Noah, 14
Sheppard, Dr George, xviii
Sicily, see Cezilia
Siena, see Sena
Sierra Leone, see Serra Lyoa
Silla, 173 , « ,
Silva, Luciano Pereira da, xviii
Singuyty, village of, 75
Sintra, Pero de, 98, 132
Sintra, town of, 105
Siqueyra, Ruy de, 138
Sixtus IV, Pope, 2
Snakes, 82, 137, I75“76
Soeyro, Da Costa, 116
Soeyro, river, 116
Sofala, see Cofala
Solinus, 175
Solomon, King, 5, 139
Soria, 22
Sorlingua, 23
Souzos, Negro tribe, 120
Spain, xviii, xxvi, xxvii, 7, 30, 32, 36,
50. 98
Strabo, Marcus, of Cappadocia,
xx, xxi, 1, 176
Subou, country of, 129
Sudan, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177. *78
Suecia, 22
Sutucoo, 87, 88
Sweden, see Suecia
Tacrour, 173
Tafcineh, see Tafetana
Tafetana, 53
Taguaost, 60
Tauveira, 22
Tamara, river, 95, 96
Tambucutu, 74, 80, 81, 174, 175
Tanais, river, xx, 15, 16, 19
Tanger, xvi, x 9, 22, 37, 38, 39, 104
Tangier, see Tanger
Tanguarim, 96
Taragona, 23
Tara mate, castle, 54
Tarifa, 44
Taurus (Zodiac), 84
Tedenez, 51
Teebuu, 125
Tefinete, 56
Tenez, 1x7
Ter^a Naval, 61
Terceira of the Azores, island, 23
Terra Alta, 68
Teymenes, Negro tribe, 96, 97
Teza, 47
Themicinaa, 42
Thomar, town of, 75
INDEX
193
Thracian Straits, 15
Tifil Felti, 43
Timbuktu, see Tambucutu
Tingitania, 19, 36, 155
Tingy, see Tanger
Todolos Santos, bay, 24
Tofla, Point, 76
Toledo, 22
Tolosa (Toulouse), 22
Toom, 89
Tordelaguna, 23
Torre do Tombo, 3
Torre Laguna, see Tordelaguna
Torto, village of, 119
Tortosa, 22
Touro, 22
Trap ana, 23
Trcmecem, 46, 56, 117
Tres Pontas, Cape, 116, 117, 118
Tripoli of Berbery, 81, 155
Tripoli of Soria, 81
Trogouditas, Ethiopias of, 155
Trosilho, 22
Trujillo, see Trosilho
Tucuroees, Negro tribe, 97
Tucurol, Kingdom of, 80, 81
Tucurumu, castle, 54
Tullius, Marcus, 7
Tunez, see Tunis
Tunis, 81, 117
Turks, 103
Turucuco, castle, 54
Turulo, island, 100
Tyciguonc, 60
Tynyguuhy, village of, 75
Tyty, 48
Ugueer, see Casa do Cavaleiro
Ultima Thylle, 8
Ushant, see Hoexante
Vacas, Cape, 157
Valen^a (Valencia), in the province
of the same name, 23
Valen^a (Valencia), in the province
of Cdceres, 22
Valhadolid, 22
Venetians, 168
Vencza (Venice), 22
Verde, Cape, 23, 72, 77, 78, 80, 83,
84. 85, 86, 90, 91, 96, 99, 169,
170
Verga, Cape, 23, 93, 94
Verona, 22
Vespucci, Amerigo, xxii
Viana (Vienne in Dauphin 6), 22
Villena (Vilhana), 22
Vincent of Beauvais, xxi, 13
Virgil, 8
Vitoria, 22
Volta, river, 23, 123, 177
Voltas, bay, 24, 152
Wadi Mesa, see Tefinete
Wadi Tensift, see Savees, river
Xamez, 40
Xarquya, 47
Xaul, 23
Xio, island, 23
Ydamen, lake, 74, 75
Zebiliquy, bay, 53
Zeguebos, 109
Zodiac, sign of, 27
Zurara, Eannes de, xii, xxviii, xxx,
175
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Rio das Bar re trot
» ruin
Cab.' de Catering
' ■. Red ehjfs
'rfWT
'.IhisltfU
RgrJaFadram
<aa Paula ds Lca\
; Rfo da . • 7 I has das Cobras
Pont a dsuYamboas io’joXP)
'■Mont* Ntgre
Monte Megro J »
is'iotrr s%
'Aigra dosAldeOS
* Xx
\An ft* it Santa Artur*
.MenguaJasA^tas itja(P)
\Ponta das Pedros I
>ra da Rny Ptres'
> Viufrf.fv
Arose* * :t -V f
da Pa dram ti dslF
Walvis Say
J dOS Pad r as Jd JJ'P'
tha traps of Cap-worn,
An*r*
*S*0
"Map to illustrate the
ESME^AVDO T>E SITU ORBIS
OTDUaII^TE EA.CHECO
- Outline of coast as now naff ad.
(Continuation of flat by boatings aiul distance f.
) unadjusted .
- Plot by bearings and latitudes, ignoring distances
(Plat by bearings and latitudes adjusted for
assumed decrease of magnetic variation eastward.
Modern names underlined. Mercator's f rejection.
Hakluyt Society
1
J
s
NEW DELHI
Catalogue No.SIu. 4/?er/Ki i». - L^ -»
Author—3 Pereira , Dusrte
Data of Return
Borrower No.
i